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VOL. I. 



Entered according to the Act of Congress in the year 1840, by William B. 
Stevens, in the Clerk's office of the District Court of the District of Massachu- 


fkeeman and bolles, ppjnters, 



I. Oration delivered before the Georgia Historical Society at the 
celebration of their first Anniversary, by the Hon. William Law, 1 

II. A New and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South Caro- 
lina, Georgia, &,c. London, 1733, ..... 42 

III. A Voyage to Georgia, begun in the year 1735; by Francis 
Moore, author of Travels into the inland parts of Africa, Lon- 
don, 1744, . 79 

IV. An Impartial Inquiry into the State and Utility of the Province 

of Georgia. London, 1741, . . . . ,. . 153 

V. Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, with regard to 
the Trade of Great Britain, »S&c. ; with some Account of the Coun- 
try and the Design of the Trustees. London, 1733, . 203 

VI. Sketch of the Life of Gen. James Oglethorpe, written for the 
Georgia Historical Society ; by Thomas Spalding, Esq., . 239 


. The subject of publishing a volume of Collections, early 
claimed the attention of the Georgia Historical Society, and 
the first proper opportunity has been improved to present it 
to the public. 

At the regular meeting of the Society, Dec. 9, 1839, a 
Committee of five was appointed " to ascertain what mate- 
rials were in its possession for the publication of a volume 
relating to the History of Georgia, and upon the expediency 
of publishing the same." That Committee reported at a 
meeting of the Board of Managers, on the 24th February, 
1840, and their views were, after one amendment, unani- 
mously adopted. The Report urged the immediate issue of 
a volume, and recommended the articles in the list of Con- 
tents to constitute the collection. 

The second article, is said by Nichols, in his Literary An- 
ecdotes, vol. xi., p. 19, to have been from the pen of Gen- 
eral Oglethorpe. As the production of the illustrious founder 
of Georgia it will ever command an attentive perusal, and 
though the gorgeous, and Utopian descriptions he gives of 
these provinces, have ceased to influence the visionary and the 
avaricious, yet it is interesting to behold the medium through 
which he viewed his darling project, and the means by which 
he prosecuted his designs. 

Mr. Moore, who wrote the " Voyage to Georgia," which 
constitutes the third article, came hither as store-keeper to 
the setdement at Frederica ; and his journal is a plain and 
faithful narrative of the daily events of the southern portion 
of the colony, as they passed under his own observation. 
His description of the settlement, and military defence of 
Frederica on St. Simons, is very minute and authentic. He 
hfts the curtain upon the opening acts of hostility with the 

vi Introduction. 

Spaniards, and tells an unvarnished tale of their crafts, their 
treachery, and their perfidious designs. 

Mr. Moore made a second voyage to Georgia in 1738, 
when he was appointed Recorder of Frederica, and contin- 
ued in that capacity until 1743. In a note to the above 
" Voyage" he stated that he " had kept a constant journal 
while in Georgia, in which is an account of the siege of St. 
Augustine in 1740, and of the Spaniards' invasion of Geor- 
gia in 1742." Copies of these are in one of the volumes ob- 
tained from the State Paper office, London. 

It is generally presumed that Benj. Martyn, Esq. was the 
author of the Impartial Inquiry into the State and Utility 
of the Province of Georgia. A publication like this, w^as 
loudly called for at that time, by the peculiar circumstances 
in which the colony was placed. The tail male feature of 
their grants, and the prohibition of rum and negroes, togeth- 
er with the usual local troubles and jealousies of delegated 
power, had excited much clamor and opposition to General 
Oglethorpe and the Trustees ; and complaints, misrepre- 
sentations, slanders, and every species of evil report were 
assiduously circulated by the malecontents, some of which 
were published in this country and some in England. One 
of the boldest, and most violent of these publications, was a 
pamphlet printed in Charleston, S. C, in 1741, styled, " A 
True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia, in 
America, from its first Settlement thereof until this present 
Period, containing the most Authentic Facts, Matters and 
Transactions therein, together with his Majesty's Charter, 
Representations of the People, Letters, &-c., and a Dedica- 
tion to his Excellency General Oglethorpe, by Pat Tailfer, 
M. D., Hugh Anderson, M. A., Da Douglass and others, 
Landholders in Georgia, at present in Charleston, S. C." 

An answer to this splenetic effusion was prepared by 
Benj. Martyn, Esq., and published by order of the Honora- 
ble Trustees in 1741, entitled, "An Account, showing the 
progress of the Colony of Georgia in America from its first 
establishment." " The Impartial Inquiry" is a very business 
like paper, evinces an intimate acquaintance with the colony, 
and a full knowledge of the plans and undertakings of the 
Trustees. It is much more temperate in its style, and less 
glowing in its eulogies, than most of the writings relating to 
the colony. It is a plain and direct refutation of some of the 

Introduction. vii 

objections to the settlement, and ably defends this political 
offspring of benevolence from the ruthless attacks of the 
peevish and the discontented. 

The fifth of these pamphlets was written by Benjamin 
Marty n, Esq., " Secretary to the Board of Trustees for set- 
tling the Colony in Georgia" who was intimately acquainted 
with their operations and designs, and well qualified there- 
fore, to enforce the claims of this colony and enhance the 
zeal and benevolence of those, who had liberally bestowed 
upon it their charity and influence. The copy in the pos- 
session of the Society formerly belonged to Jonathan Belcher 
Esq., Governor of Massachusetts, probably presented by 
General Oglethorpe himself, with whom he corresponded.* 

This is a well written tract ; plausible in its arguments, 
glowing in its descriptions, valuable for its information, and 
pertinent in its appeals to the philanthropic and benevolent. 
It is singular to remark in this pamphlet, that the very first 
objection which the author combats as having been urged 
against the undertaking, was " our colonies may in time grow 
too great for us and throw off their dependency" an objec- 
tion which time has verified, but against which he argued, 
with much skill and address. 

The Life of General Oglethorpe, which forms the last arti- 
cle, is from the pen of a gentleman, venerable with age, but 
wfi^ still pursues the studies of hterature with all the enthu- 
siasm of youth, and the assiduity of the scholar. His resi- 
dence is in the vicinity of the tabby fort, and moss-covered 
trees of Frederica — they are the familiar scenes of his 
boyhood, finked in with those early associations which are 
the last erased by time from the tablet of memory ; and 
with a heart, venerating its great founder, " the Romulus of 
Georgia," he has prepared this tribute to his virtues and re- 
nown. It Was not the intention of the writer to make an 
elaborate biography ; he designed but to sketch the more 
prominent fines and features, and how well he has succeeded 
the pubfic have now an opportunity to judge. 

It is not the design of the Georgia Historical Society to 

* On his leaving Massachusetts for New Jersey, the Governor gave it, with otiier 
books to Tliaddeus Mason, Esq., who liad been his private Secretary ; and from him 
it descended to his grandson, the Rev. Thaddeus Mason Harris, D. D., and by him 
was furnished to the shelves of the Library of the Historical Society of Georgia. 

viii Introduction. 


write the history of the State. It but garners up the mate- 
rials, and leaves the historian to arrange and digest them. 

A work bearing the title of a " History of Georgia," has 
already been given to the public. Of this, it is unnecessary 
to say much. Burdened as Major McCall was, with physi- 
cal infirmities, a martyr to the perils and exposures of a ser- 
vice, in which he gained credit as an officer, enduring almost 
every thing which humanity could endure in the shape of 
pain and suffering, possessed of few materials, unused to lite- 
rary efforts, and often writing with his portfolio on his knees, 
whilst confined a helpless invalid to his bed, he deserves 
great praise for his persevering zeal, by which much that is 
interesting and valuable, has been rescued from oblivion. 
But while we accord to Major McCall every honor which is 
due, we are constrained to say, that his work is deficient in 
narrative, and as a whole, materially imperfect in many of its 

In one sense, therefore, the history of Georgia is untrod- 
den ground. A few fragments of ancient chronicles have 
been published, and a few tracts illustrative of colonial af- 
fairs circulated ; but the great body of events remains almost 

It was in contemplation by a gentleman versed in litera- 
ture, to write a history of this State, which should correct 
the errors of McCall, be more ample in its details, and more 
worthy of the commonwealth. To this end Mr. Bevan had 
amassed a large number of reports, letters, pamphlets and 
documents, and the general assembly by a resolution passed 
December 13, 1824, appropriated four hundred dollars to 
Mr. Bevan, "for the purpose of collecting, arranging and 
publishing all papers relating to the original settlement or 
political history of this State, now in the executive or secre- 
tary of state's office. But death laid him low, and none 
have since been found to prosecute the undertaking. 

A period has now arrived peculiarly favorable for an 
historian. A spirit of inquiry has been excited, the means 
of information are rapidly augmenting, and through public 
and private generosity, the library of the Georgia Historical 
Society, already contains documents of the highest interest 
and importance. 

By virtue of a resolution of the Georgia Legislature passed 
December 23d, 1837, the Governor appointed the Rev. 

Introduction. ix 

Charles Wallace Howard, an agent of the state, " to repair 
to London, for the purpose of procuring the colonial records, 
or copies thereof, now in the colonial departments of Great 
Britain, that relate to the history and settlement of this 
state." By the further hberality of the same body, the 
papers, which were the result of his mission, are placed in 
our library, subject, however, to its future decision. 

These documents fill twenty-two large folio volumes, 
averaging over two hundred closely written pages each. 
Fifteen are from the office of the Board of Trade ; six from 
the State Paper Office, and one from the King's Library. 
The first four from the Board of Trade contain numerous 
letters on various topics connected with the affairs of the 
colony, from the Rev. John Martin Bolzius, William Spencer, 
Major Horton, James Habersham, William Stephens, Sam- 
uel Urlsperger, C. de Munch, General Oglethorpe, Thomas 
Bosomworth, Benjamin Martyn, Noble Jones, John Rey- 
nolds, &c. Depositions of Indian traders ; memorials to 
the Board of Trade, and to the Society for Propagating the 
Gospel in Foreign Parts ; orders of council, &lc. &c. The 
succeeding eight, are filled with orders of the lords justices 
in council ; proclamations by the same. Proceedings of the 
president and assistants in Georgia ; accounts of the produce 
of Georgia ; addresses and proclamations of Governor Rey- 
nolds ; schedule of public despatches ; treaties with the 
Indians, together with the correspondence of Pat Graham, 
Ottelonghe, Benjamin Martyn, Joseph Habersham, Governor 
Ellis and Governor Wright. The thirteenth and fourteenth, 
are composed of orders in council, correspondence of Gov- 
ernor Wright with General Gage, the Board of Trade, Earl 
of Hillsborough, Earl Shelburne ; papers in relation to the 
silk culture ; extracts from the journals of council in Geor- 
gia ; talk with Indian tribes, and orders of the king in coun- 
cil at the court of St. James. The minutes of the house of 
assembly in 1780, occupy the last and fifteenth volume from 
this source. The first date of papers in this division is 
1746, and a regular chronological order is preserved to 

The six volumes obtained from the " State Paper Office " 
are exceedingly rich in historical intelligence, derived from a 
great variety of sources. They contain large portions of the 
correspondence of Oglethorpe with many different persons, 


X . Introduction. 

his transactions with the Governor of St. Augustine, papers 
and depositions relating to Spanish settlements, treaties with 
the Spanish authorities — journals and letters descriptive of 
the siege of St. Augustine, the affair at Musa, the Spanish 
invasion of Georgia, and all the difficulties with these ene- 
mies of the colon-y. They contain also the minutes and 
memorials of the Trustees, journals of the upper and lower 
houses of Assembly, messages from and petitions to the 
Governor, correspondence of Martyn, Harman Verelst, Go- 
vernor Wright, the Earl of Dartmouth, Duke of Bedford, 
Earl of Hilsborough, Alex. Heron, James Habersham, and 
closes with an abstract of proceedings in 1775. This portion 
of the records dates back from 1735, but there is a hiatus 
from the year 1750 to 1760 inclusive. 

The twenty-second volume, derived from papers in the 
King's Library, contains first "A general description of Geor- 
gia, climate, productions, Indians, &c.," Governor Wright's 
letter to the Lords of Trade, Governor Wright's letter to the 
Earl of Shelburn, and lastly the Governor's answers at length 
to the queries of the Lords of Trade, which very fully and 
minutely detail all the principal facts relating to the Pro- 
vince. Such is a very cursory survey of the matter embraced 
in these invaluable records. They constitute an almost ex- 
haustless mine, where not a shaft has been sunk, to recover 
its treasures, and give them the form and connection of His- 

Next perhaps in value to these colonial documents, are 
several volumes of the original journal and correspondence, 
both private and official, of James Habersham ; commencing 
as early as 1739, and continued with some intermissions down 
to the Revolution. Seldom has a richer collection of letters 
been found ; they are in themselves an inestimable legacy, 
containing the fervent effusions of a pious heart, the senti- 
ments of an intelligent and judicious mind, the experience of 
a man of business, the advice and counsel of high official 
station, and the glowing enthusiasm of the sincera patriot. 
In those dark and troublous times consequent on the ill- 
judged measures of the Trustees, when ruin and despair 
brooded over the colony, he remained by her the firm friend, 
the able counsellor, the effective agent, to heal the wounds 
they had unwittingly made, and raise the settlement to that 
eminence which it had been the hope and desire of its friends 

Introduction. xi 

that it should attain. His letters during that period, portray 
in a graphic manner the distress and misery of the people ; 
they shew him superior to the sordid and self-aggrandizing 
views which marked the conduct of many of its summer and 
sunshine friends ; and they prove him to have been the bold 
and fearless advocate of the half depopulated and sinking 
province, when there were none to sustain her rights or truly 
exhibit her manifold grievances. A large number of the let- 
ters in one volume, and several in others, are written to his 
friend the eloquent Whitefield. On the establishment of the 
Georgia Orphan House by Mr. Whitefield, Mr. Habersham 
became its President, and his correspondence from Bethes- 
da, detailing their operations from time to time, are particu- 
larly valuable, both as they relate to that celebrated divine, 
and to the first charitable institution founded in our bor- 

In relation to the department of Indian History, a depart- 
ment so interesting in itself, and so intimately blended with 
the early settlement of this State ; the Society has obtained 
some very rare and valuable manuscripts. These contain 
long and minute accounts of the manners and customs of 
the Indians. Proceedings of Indian agents, and treaties with 
several tribes, all greatly augmenting the materials of abo- 
riginal history. Such in brief, (together with the usual 
amount of information to be gathered from the archives of 
the State) are some of the materials which the future histo- 
rian of Georgia will have at his command. They are rich, 
abundant, satisfactory. In whatever light we view our be- 
loved State, whether as a colony planted by the benefactions 
of the philanthropist ; as a frontier settlement, exposed to the 
horrors of Spanish and Indian invasion ; as the youngest of 
the old confederacy, and yet among the first to proclaim her 
rights, and demand redress ; or as burdened, harassed, and 
almost eradicated by the war of the Revolution ; she de- 
serves a historian who shall do honor to her name, who shall 
justly exalt her character, who shall proclaim her deeds of 
valor, and who, finding the graves of her heroes, as Cicero 
found the tomb of Archimedes, " septum vepribus et dume- 
tis," shall clear away the weeds and brambles, and retouch, 
like Old Mortality, the half-defaced memorials of their worth, 
so that future generations may read of their self-sacrificing 
devotion for the benefit of their country. 

XH Introduction, 

The Georgia Historical Society is yet in the infancy of its 
being. It has not seen one annual revolution. But the 
spirit which animates its members is one of enlightened zeal 
and persevering labor. It comes in as auxiliary to the many 
similar associations already existing ; and offers this, its first 
tribute, to the general object. It is laboring in a distinct 
field for our common country, and aims to enrich American 
literature, by treasuring up, and publishing the memorials of 
this important member of the Union. 

We trust that the efforts which have resulted in this vo- 
lume, will be rightly appreciated, and hope to be enabled to 
follow it with others, which shall be equally valuable, in elu- 
cidating the past, and rendering permanent the fleeting me- 
morials of Colonial History. 



February 12, 1840. * 

When the great historic Poet of the Greeks derived his 
heroes from the gods, and ascribed their constant guidance 
and protection to some ethereal deity ; when he sang of the 
renowned exploits of their ancestors combatting and van- 
quishing the fabled Centaurs, "rude dwellers on the mountain 
heights," t he ministered to a taste and sentiment of his 
countrymen natural to the human heart, and common to the 
human family. Prompted by pride and vanity all nations 
have desired to increase the lustre of their origin, and the 
fame of their ancestry, by filling the " immense vacuity," 
which lies beyond the limits of well authenticated memo- 
rials, with the splendid inventions of fable. We delight to 
honor the memories and celebrate the virtues of our Fore- 
fathers. The existence of this inherent principle is attested 
and illustrated by universal example. To gratify its indul- 
gence, the boundaries of truth have been exceeded, and the 
mysteries of obscure antiquity penetrated. To heighten its 

* The Georgia Historical Society was not organized until Tuesday, the 4tfi of June, 
1839. But the 12th of February, the day on which Oglethorpe landed in Geor- 
gia, has been selected as a more appropriate period for its anniversary. 

The indulgence in extensive details, which characterizes the following sheets, 
may strike the public taste and judgment as unsuitable to a public address. The 
writer has been betrayed into this error, if so it be conceived, from an anxious desire 
to awaken an interest for his subject, and excite a spirit of research and inquiry into 
the events and incidents of our colonial history, by revivincr the remembrance of 
facts almost lost sight of. 

The older books furnishing sketches of the early history of Georgia are exceed- 
ingly rare, and are accessible only to a few ; even McCall's History has not been 
republished ; and is becoming scarce and not very generally read. It was supposed, 
too, that in this introductory address the public curiosity would be most gratified, 
and the expectations of the Association best fulfilled, by the course adopted. 

The Author. 

f Cowper's Homer. 


Ju(ls:e Law's Oration. 


interest, eloquence has contributed the charm of its inimita- 
ble art, while poetry has aroused the fancy, and bewildered 
the imagination in the wild regions of fiction. 

The proud Roman traced his genealogy from the gods, 
and claimed for the infancy and weakness of the eternal city, 
the guardian care of his imaginary deities. In their most 
refined day, the Greeks erected the " ostentatious fiction" 
that the gods alone were worthy to have reared the infancy 
of a people so distinguished in arts and so renowned in arms. 

To review the characters and actions of our ancestors, to 
look back upon the origin of our country, to trace her pro- 
gress towards maturity, to cultivate a familiar acquaintance 
with, and to perpetuate the prominent events which have 
conduced to her establishment and the formation of the na- 
tional character, is an exercise designed not merely to gratify 
even a laudable and well founded national pride, but one 
which opens a wide field for the indulgence alike of our curi- 
osity and profoundest meditations, and replete with the most 
instructive admonitions. 

There is a land, in relation to whose origin, all fiction van- 
ishes and truth is realized ; where the fable of the Greek 
and the Roman is converted into the fact at which her peo- 
ple rejoice, and for which their gratitude ascends to the 
throne of God — a land whose origin depends upon no 
legendary tales drawn from an obscure and remote antiquity, 
but is revealed with unerring accuracy, and recorded in the 
simplicity of uncolored truth. — That land is our Country. 

There is a land, the settlement of which was the result of 
the power of religious principle — of a desire to escape the 
persecutions of religious intolerance, to enjoy freedom of con- 
science in the worship of God, and to regulate the life and 
conduct by the light of the Gospel. The hand of an ever- 
faithful God, whom its settlers had served, conducted, and 
his protecting providence preserved them during a long and 
perilous voyage, amidst the blasts of the ocean tempest, and 
the terrors of the winter's storm. The pillar of cloud by day, 
and the pillar of fire by night moved not indeed before them. 
The age of miracles had passed away, prophecy and vision 
had ceased to be mediums of heavenly communications. 
The fulfilment of the most sublime of all prophecies had been 
accomplished, and the promised messenger had descended 
to enlighten and sanctify the world. Guided by his holy 

JuiWe Law's Oration. 


influences this peculiar people, zealous of the honor and ser- 
vice of Jehovah, were conducted to a new world ; where for 
the first time a temple was raised to the Lord, the prayer of 
faith ascended, and the song of gratitude and joy broke the 
silence of the solitary wilderness — that song which Moses 
sang, " The Lord is our strength and song, and he is become 
our salvation. He is our God and we will prepare him an 
habitation." — That land is our common country. 

Forever may that prayer continue to ascend in this grate- 
ful country. Forever may that song continue to praise our 
Father's God. Long, O long, may that habitation continue 
to stand, embracing as it now does the wide limits of our 
extended country, until it shall number among the worship- 
ers of the Redeemer the vast multitude of our busy and 
increasing population. 

There is a country, the eventful vicissitudes of whose pro- 
gress from infancy to national maturity and greatness ; the 
extraordinary and successful results which marked that pro- 
gress, far transcending the natural agencies employed, point 
the eye of faith with unwavering confidence to a special 
superintending Providence which controls and directs the 
affairs of nations as well as of individuals : while the dictates 
of reason combine with the suggestions of faith to assure 
us, that the great Ruler of the world has selected and estab- 
lished there the abode of a chosen people, entrusted with 
the care and maintenance of those great principles of Chris- 
tian piety and civil liberty, which, radiating upon the nations 
of the earth, are destined to bless the world with light, lib- 
erty and happiness. — That Country is our own. 

What a field for profound reflection and useful instruction 
is presented by the review of the early history of such a 
country 1 Can we meditate upon the piety of our Forefa- 
thers, and will not the standard of our moral and religious 
feelings (the firmest basis upon which our Republic rests) be 
elevated ? Can we dwell upon their struggles and constancy 
in the cause of civil freedom, and will not our patriotism burn 
in a purer and brighter flame ? Can we study the institu- 
tions which their prudence and wisdom have erected for the 
security of the rights of man, and will not the boundaries of 
our own wisdom be enlarged the better to maintain and 
transmit these inestimable rights to posterity ? 

4 Judge Law^s Oration. 

Gentlemen of the Georgia Historical Society : 

It is for the purpose of making our contribution (with par- 
ticular reference to our own State) to the means for the com- 
pletion and perfection of the extended chain of our country's 
history, that this Association has been organized, and this 
anniversary occasion is observed. History is but a series of 
causes and effects, instructing as well by the power and 
force of example as by the deductions of philosophy. The 
preservation of all, even the minute facts and incidents of all 
the parts and members, is essential to the perfection of the 
whole ; and no single link in the great chain can be severed, 
without impairing the useful and accurate instruction it is 
adapted to impart. As we recede from the period of our 
origin and infancy the means of correct information must 
constantly diminish ; while time and accident will obscure 
and obhterate much that is valuable and worthy of preserva- 

At once then, to direct the public attention to the subject, 
to arouse its curiosity, to awaken its interest, to combine and 
concentrate the talent and industry of the State in "collect- 
ing, preserving and diffusing information relating to the his- 
tory of Georgia in all its various departments, and to American 
history generally," * this is the interesting object, the noble 
purpose of your Society. 

We come here to withdraw ourselves for a sacred hour 
from the busy scenes of life, from the cares and pursuits of 
the present, to meditate on the past, to commune with the 
spirits of our ancestors, to familiarize ourselves with the 
knowledge of our own state and country. How rich the 
field in which we are invited to roam, how various the topics 
which claim and merit our observation ! In the successive 
returns of this celebration, the Orator will select from the 
mass of appropriate subjects — he will sketch the lives and 
characters of some of the most distinguished personages of 
our earlier history, with their influences upon the destinies of 
their country. He will link, as it were, the present with the 
past ; in visions of hope he will associate both with the 
future. He will ascend along the Hne of ancestral history 
up to our beginnings, and examine the civil and political 
institutions of that early day, commencing with the charter, 

* Constitution of the Society. 

Judge Law's Oration. 5 

propriety and royal governments in the different colo- 
nies ; and trace their influence and bearing upon the subse- 
quent political events of the country. He will explore the 
foundation and elements of our social union, mark their 
progressive operation in the organization of society, to the 
full developement of principles in that beautiful system, under 
which, the nation reposes in happiness and security. The 
systems of education, progress of learning, and present con- 
dition of literature will not escape observation — and the 
history of religion, with its practical effects upon the moral 
character, habits and manners of the people, will not be over- 
looked. In occasional connection with his subject, the orator 
will descend down the stream of that distant posterity where 
reality is lost in hope, where the mind staggers at the con- 
templation, and the eye grows dim at the bright visions 
which blaze around the distant future ; and amid the expan- 
sion of her noble principles and free institutions anticipate 
the coming glory and rising grandeur of his country. Such 
are some among the ample materials which the plan of your 
Society will furnish, as separate and successive themes, for 
the exercises of this day. Upon this, the occasion of our 
first assemblage, I shall limit myself to the performance of a 
more humble task, whilst I briefly remark upon the forma- 
tion and progress of Historical Societies in our country, invite 
your attention to a brief consideration of portions of our early 
history, and endeavor to present some of its prominent facts 
and incidents in a form, I trust, more attractive than the 
mere details and narrative of history. 

The history of Georgia has been written ; much that was 
ready to perish has been there rescued from oblivion and pre- 
served to posterity. But the history of Georgia is not com- 
plete, nor indeed can be, without the aids to be obtained 
from the manuscript papers in the offices of the English 
government. Many years since, the state of Georgia applied 
to the general government for its interposition in obtaining 
copies of such manuscripts having reference to this State ; 
and in 1828, a bill for this object, and making provision for 
procuring copies of all the papers in the English offices rela- 
ting to the colonial history of this country, was reported in 
congress. It was never acted on. That this measure 
should have encountered such a fate is truly to be deplored. 
The subject was altogether worthy of the attention of con- 

6 Judge Law's Oration. 

gress, and was appropriately the business of the national 
government. The importance of preserving their records 
has been justly appreciated by every people as far back as 
we have traces of civilized society. That Moses in the wil- 
derness, and Aaron, and the ancient Israelites under the 
Kings had national repositories for national documents has 
been rendered more than probable by a variety of arguments 
which cannot here be recapitulated.* Among the ancient 
Egyptians, the preservation of the public records was an im- 
portant duty of the priesthood. The Persians had their 
house of rolls or records, for we read in Holy Writ that 
Darius, the king, ordered search to be made in the house 
of rolls, whether it be so, that a decree was made of Cyrus, 
the king, &c. 

Athens and Rome had their public libraries and reposito- 
ries, and among modern nations none has manifested a 
higher sense of the importance of this duty than England. 
Her parliament makes an annual appropriation for printing 
ancient manuscript records and documents, to more than 
double the amount it would cost the United States to pro- 
cure a copy of all the American colonial papers.f Yet 
these essential materials of American colonial history remain 
shut up in the office of the Board of Trade and Plantations 
in England. 

The National Library at Washington is represented as 
being remarkably deficient in books and information relating 
to America. A copy of these papers, deposited in the na- 
tional archives, would constitute an invaluable addition and 
secure the necessary materials for the future historian of our 

The State has not been wholly insensible to the impor- 
tance of this subject. In 1824, a gendemant was engaged 
by the legislature to collate, arrange and publish the papers, 
relating to this matter, in the State offices at Milledgeville. 
He was subsequently induced to visit England and collect 
facts with the view of writing our history. The death of 
that gentleman deprived the public of the benefits of his 
labors. The State has recently made renewed efforts for 

* See National Register, published in London, 1819. Introductory remarks to the 
Report of the Committee of the House of Commons, upon the propriety of purchas- 
ing, for the public. Dr. Binney's library. 

\ See an article in N. A. Review, for 1830. X Joseph Vallence Bevan. 

Jvdge Law's Oration. 7 

this purpose through the agency of one,* who has succeeded 
in procuring twenty-two folio manuscript volumes, copied 
from the English offices, and by your last legislature depos- 
ited in the archives of this Society. From the judgment, 
ability and industry of this gentleman, it is believed much 
valuable information will be found to be contained in them. 
While these exertions have been making to gather materials 
abroad, it cannot fail to be gratifying, that an institution has 
risen up to secure and preserve whatever valuable and in- 
structive may be collected at home. And surely there is 
much to be done here. The object of the Society will be 
to collect every printed volume, pamphlet, document and 
manuscript having relation to our early history, — especially 
during the period of the Revolution. The correspondence 
of officers of the army ; and many valuable papers of this 
kind, are now scattered through the country in the hands of 
the descendants of these gallant men. Correspondence of 
the early governors of the State, and of our delegates in 
congress, during that period, will also be interesting and 
claim its attention. The publication of the most important 
of such manuscripts, for their preservation and diffusion, will 
probably be attempted. Georgia, we trust, will not want a 
competent historian to use and combine the mass of mate- 
rials that may be thus collected and secured from these vari- 
ous sources. Massachusetts has the honor of having set 
the example and led the way in the organization of these 
useful associations. Her far-famed Society was organized 
as early as the year 1791, by some of her distinguished citi- 
zens, among whom were Belknap and Sullivan, the histori- 
ans. It has pubhshed about thirty octavo volumes. 

The New York Society was organized in 1804, by 
Egbert Benson, her first president, De Witt Clinton, T. L. 
Mitchell, Dr. Hossack, and others. It has published four 
volumes ; the last of which comprised the second volume 
of Smith's History of New York, left by the author in 

In New Hampshire a society was formed in 1822; her 
first volume appeared in 1824. 

In 1815, a Committee of the American Philosophical So- 
ciety, of Philadelphia, w^as formed expressly for historical 

* Rev. Cliarles Wallace Howard. 

8 Judge Law's Oration. 

purposes. More recently a new Historical Society has been 
established in Pennsylvania, at the head of which is the ven- 
erable Peter S. Duponceau. 

In Connecticut, Rhode Island, Virginia and Ohio, these 
associations exist. And it is with unfeigned gratification, I 
now congratulate you gentlemen, upon being able to add to 
this list the Georgia Historical Society.* 

In considering the immediate causes which led to the 
setdement of Georgia, we cannot fail to be struck with the* 
truth, that the most important events are frequently the re- 
sult of remote circumstances, having in the beginning no 
conceivable connection with their ultimate consequences. 

In the year 1729 a committee was raised in the English 
parliament for the purpose of investigating the condition of 
the prisons, of relieving suffering victims of misfortune and 
correcting abuses. This humane effort owed its existence to 
James Oglethorpe, then a member of parliament, by whom 
it was moved ; and who, as chairman of the committee, was 
most active and diligent in giving salutary effect to the 
measure. A great number of persons were found suffering 
under a rigorous and cruel confinement, who had been im- 
prisoned for inability to discharge their debts. Many of 
these were rescued by the committee from cruel oppression, 
and the authors of their sufferings exposed to an indignant 
public. It was a noble enterprise, a generous care for the 
"many who pine in want and dungeon gloom," "shut from 
the common air, and common use of their own limbs." It 
merited the poet's praise, when, in lines as sweet as the act 
of mercy he commended, he sang 

■ " the generous band, 

Who, touched with human woe, redressive searched 
Into the horrors of the gloomy jail ! 
Unpitied and unheard, where misery moans ; 
Where sickness pines; where thirst and hunger burn, 
And poor misfortune feels the lash of vice. 

TT rff ^ ^- 

O great design ! if executed well, 
With patient care and wisdom-temper'd zeal. 
Ye sons of mercy ! yet resume the search; 
Drag forth the legal monsters into light, 
Wrench from their hands oppression's iron rod, 
And bid the cruel feel the pams they give." t 

* I have gleaned my information of the existence and progress of these societies 
from articles in the North American Review, and from a manuscript note by a gen- 
tleman in New York, kindly furnished by a friend. 

t Thompson's Winter. 

Judge Law's Oration. 9 

This generous work was not destined to an imperfect con- 
summation. It is the quality of that fine attribute of our 
natures which sympathizes with others' woes, to grow and 
expand by the double blessing it imparts, blessing "him that 
gives as well as him that takes." The destitute condition 
of those thus rescued from the horrors of confinement 
prompted Mr. Oglethorpe and his humane coadjutors to 
more extended plans for their effectual relief; and to em- 
brace within the circle of their beneficence a multitude of 
unfortunate persons in the kingdom, who, in the descriptive 
language of that day, were " of respectable families, and of 
liberal or at least easy education ; some undone by guar- 
dians, some by law suits, some by accidents in commerce, 
some by stocks and bubbles, and some by suretyship." * 
To meliorate the condition and etiectually relieve the wants 
of this unfortunate class ; to afford also an asylum for poor 
and distressed protestants driven from Germany, to seek 
refuge in England, the benevolent and enlightened scheme 
was formed of planting a colony in Georgia. The appli- 
cation to the crown for this purpose was seconded by con- 
siderations of public policy and utility. It was seen that the 
contemplated colony would form a barrier and protection for 
that of South Carolina against the Spaniards and Indians ; 
and might be instrumental in retaining the powerful tribes of 
Southern Indians in the interest of Great Britain, in opposi- 
tion to the encroachments of Spanish and French influence 
upon them — while a critical position would thus be occu- 
pied, which otherwise, there was reason to believe, would 
have been occupied by the French.f Thus were beauti- 
fully blended, in the very origin of this settlement, the prin- 
ciples of true patriotism with disinterested love for mankind. 

No selfish purpose was sought, no personal benefit ob- 
tained, no individual aggrandizement promoted by these 
noble philanthropists, who, in advancing the happiness of 
others, were the first to set the example of generous contri- 
butions from the treasury of their own wealth. Thus strik- 
ingly did they exemplify their appropriate motto, "jYon 
sibi sed aliis" 

In June, 1732, a charter of incorporation of the Trustees 
was obtained. And in November of the same year, Mr. 

* Pamphlet published in London in 1733. 

t Harris's Collection of Early Voyages and Travels, published in 1747. 


10 Judge Laid's Oration. 

Oglethorpe, with a hundred and sixteen persons, sailed from 
Gravesend and reached Charleston, in South Carolina, in 
January, 1733.* 

Gentlemen of the Society ! You have been pleased to 
identify this anniversary with the day consecrated by the 
landing of the founder of our city with his little colony on the 
bluff of Yamacraw. We stand this day on that spot. Here 
is the bluff, and we are here in the midst of the ancient city 
of Oglethorpe. Who does not feel the influence of a sacred 
inspiration 7 The inspiration of the day and of the place. 
Whose feelings are not irresistibly conducted back to the 
interesting events of that scene ? The landing is effected, 
the bluff is ascended, the tents are spread. Before them is 
the wild face of nature, the vast wilderness with its gloomy 
shades and deep solitudes, unbroken save by the rustling 
footsteps of the savage hunter cautiously pursuing the timid 
game. Who does not enter into their feelings ; their doubts, 
their fears ? The surrounding neighborhood is explored ; 
and this spot is selected as the site of a city to bear the 
name of the noble stream which flows at its base ; and des- 
tined, we trust, to remain the commercial emporium of the 
State, and to maintain an honorable competition among her 
southern sisters. Here we become spectators, as it were, 
of the interview between the European stranger and the red 
warrior of his native woods. There we see Oglethorpe ex- 
plaining the object of his visit, expatiating upon the power, 
grandeur and wealth of his king and country ; proffering 
friendship, and proposing to treat for a portion of lands. And 
here Tomochichi, the Indian chief, impressed with solemn re- 
spect and awe for the strangers and their country, reciprocating 
professions of friendship, and in the simplicity of his coun- 
try's custom, presenting the buffaloe's skin adorned with 
the head and feathers of the eagle, in token of his profound 
sense of the greatness and power of the country of his visit- 
ers, expressing his acquiescence in the formation of a treaty 
for land, and his desire of perpetual peace. 

We pause for a moment at this point of time, whilst the 
axe is laid to the tree, the wilderness begins to disappear, 
and the first rude dwellings of Savannah to arise. 

A few months have rolled away, and a second arrival is 

* Dr. Hevvatt, Harris and McCall. 

Judge Imw's Oration. 11 

greeted and cheered. But who are these? From what 
country come they? For what causes are they thus seek- 
ing a home m this new and desert world ? These are un- 
fortunate Salzburghers from Germany — exiled from their 
country for conscience sake — devoted to their religious 
principles, they have here sought an asylum and a home 
from persecution and want. This is the glorious effort of 
the society in England for the propagation of the Gospel in 
foreign parts, who advanced to the Trustees a sum of money 
sufficient to provide for seven hundred Salzburghers. These 
embarkations in September and October, 1733, consisted of 
three hundred and forty-one persons,* who were settled at 
Ebenezer, in the county of Effingham ; where they have 
always maintained a church and minister and kept up a com- 
munication with their church in Germany. 

The story of those religious dissensions which, so late as 
the eighteenth century, terminated in the expulsion of twenty- 
five thousand persons from their country and their home, be- 
longs to history. Seventeen thousand of them settled in the 
Prussian States. A large number took refuge in England: 
.£33,000 were raised for their relief in London. Many of 
these were sent to Georgia and proved excellent colonists. 
They were visited by Mr. Whitefield at Ebenezer, in 1738 ; 
of whom he remarked, that their lands were surprisingly im- 
proved — they were blessed with two such pious ministers 
as he had not often seen; they had no courts of judicature, 
but all little differences were immediately setded by their 
ministers. They had an Orphan House with seventeen child- 
ren and a widow. 

Many of the settlers were from Herrnhut, the singular re- 
ligious establishment founded upon his estates, by the yet 
more singular and eccentric Count Zinzendorf, who was 
himself for a time banished from his country. From this 
place came Augustus Gottleib Spangenburg, a man of learn- 
ing, who had spent many years at the University of Jena, 
had been invited to Halle, from whence he retired to Herrn- 
hut, and was finally sent out to Georgia to regulate as pastor 
the Moravian establishment. It was of these people that 
Mr. Wesley, being present at one of their religious confer- 
ences and solemn ordination of a bishop, said, the great sim- 

* McCall. Harris says, 1734. 

12 Judge Land's Oration. 

plicity as well as solemnity of the whole scene, almost made 
him forget the seventeen hundred years between, and ima- 
gine himself in one of those assemblies where form and state 
were not, but Paul the tent-maker, or Peter the fisherman 
presided, — yet with the demonstration of the spirit and of 

Time rolls on, and the beginning of the year 1735 brings 
another and a third arrival. Ay, thrice welcome these, 
whose brawny arms, and stalwart muscles fit them alike to 
cultivate the soil, and to constitute a rampart between the 
hostile Spaniards, with their savage allies, and the earlier 
and more feeble settlers at Savannah. These are the High- 
landers of Scotland. Upon their arrival they instantly occu- 
py the post of danger, and upon the banks of the Alatamaha 
found the now town of Darien. A position exposed and 
hazardous from its nearer proximity to the Spaniards. 

The description which was given of these deep deserts 
and gloomy wilds, excited the poetic imagination of Gold- 
smith in that graphic account of them found in the deserted 
village : — 

" To distant climes, a dreary scene, they go, 
Where wild Altama murmurs to their woe. 
Far different these from all that charmed before, 
The various terrors of that distant shore ; 
Those matted woods where birds forget to sing, 
But silent bats in drowsy clusters cling; 
Those poisonous fields with rank luxuriance crown'd. 
Where the dark scorpion gathers death around. 
Where at each step the stranger fears to wake 
The rattling terrors of the vengeful snake, 
Where crouching tigers wait their hapless prey, 
And savage men, more murderous still than they. 
Far different these from every former scene." 

General Oglethorpe, who went to England in the spring 
of 1734, accompanied by Tomochichi and several other In- 
dians, followed, on his return, this last arrival, bringing with 
him four hundred and seventy persons ; which was denomi- 
nated the great embarkation. This arrival M^as on the 6th 
February, 1735.* They were settled at Frederica, on the 
island of St. Simons. The two Wesleys, John and Charles, 
came at this time. John remained in Savannah, and Charles 
went to Frederica, as secretary to Oglethorpe. Many per- 
sons of education, family and distinction, accompanied Ogle- 
thorpe at their own expense, in his various embarkations for 

* Harris. McCall makes it 1736, and differs as to numbers, &c. 

Judge Law's Oration. 13 

Georgia, (among whom were many of the liberal, warm- 
hearted and republican sons of Ireland — so eminently devo- 
ted to the cause of liberty in the subsequent history of our 
country,) and became permanent setders and inhabitants of 
the colony. The names of many of these sound familiarly 
and daily upon our ears in the persons of their descendants. 
Such were the primary and original materials for the settle- 
ment of the colony of Georgia. 

We have also, from an early date, claimed a connection 
with our New England countrymen, more endearing than 
the ties of fellowship which bind the inhabitants of a com- 
mon country ; while the colony was yet under the care of 
the Trustees, about the year 1752,* a large emigration of 
descendants from our ISqw England brethren, who had 
previously removed to South Carolina, arrived in Georgia 
and settled at Medway, in the parish of St. John, now county 
of Liberty, having received a grant for thirty-two thousand 
acres of land. They brought with them that devotion to 
religious principle, and observance of its duties which had 
characterized, and all the patriotism and love of liberty which 
warmed the bosoms of their New England ancestors. 

Their noble example has not been lost upon the county 
in which they settled, but is conspicuous to this day in the 
excellent police, exemplary order, fervent piety and devotion 
to country, which now as ever distinguished the county of 
Liberty. A fair name, won by the spirited determination of 
her inhabitants, at the breaking out of the Revolution, to send 
delegates to congress before the rest of the province had 
agreed to acquiesce in that measure. 

A plan, devised in mercy to mitigate the sorrows of suf- 
fering humanity, has subjected Georgia to the ungracious 
taunt of having been peopled from the prisons of England 
and the outcasts of London. So thought not the sweet Poet 
of England in his beautiful description — 

" Lo ! swarming southward on rejoicing suns 

Gay colonies extend ; the calm retreat 

Of undeserved distress, the better home 

Of those whom bigots chase from foreign lands. 

Such, as of late, an Oglethorpe has form'd. 

And crowding round, the pleased Savannah sees."t 

* By the records of Medway Church it appears, that a few persons were sent in 
May, 1752, in search of lands; and the first settlement was commenced on the Ctli 
of December, 1752. 

t Thompson's Liberty. Part V. 

14 Judsre Law's Oration. 


Those, who in the stupidity of folly have ventured to indulge 
the contumely, have overlooked the distinction between mis- 
fortune and vice, and have forgotten, that while we are 
responsible for the latter as the offspring of our own moral 
deformities, the innocent and virtuous, alike with the vicious, 
are obnoxious to the former. It is not the prison which de- 
grades, but the offence which consigns us there. When 
Socrates, after the iniquitous sentence of the Athenian judges, 
was conducted to his prison, Seneca remarked, "it ceased 
to be a prison and henceforth became the abode of virtue 
and habitation of probity." * 

We may not compare this class of our settlers with the 
great philosopher of the ancients, the subject of this beauti- 
ful and just sentiment of the moralist; but the sentiment itself 
may be justly applied to honesty and virtue in the humblest 
circumstances. It is no more possible for the dungeon to 
obscure the lustre of virtue and innocence, than for the earth 
to destroy the brilliant qualities of the gem which lies im- 
bedded in its bosom. 

While we yet linger around the scenes of this early period, 
permit me to conduct you in imagination to a neighboring 
spot of interesting reminiscence. What are these moulder- 
ing walls, these venerable ruins that here strike our view ? 
Behold here the remains of what was once devoted to youth- 
ful piety and learning — to the care and protection of the 
orphan — this was the orphan house. These ruins speak to 
us of Whitefield and Huntingdon. Of Whitefield, a faithful 
servant of the most high God. A man whose zeal in the 
cause of his divine Master, and whose intense interest for the 
salvation of souls, in despite the ties of kindred and of home, 
ur2:ed him across the Atlantic to divide his labors of love be- 
tween the old and new world. 

He was the founder of a new sect ; and a reformer in life, 
in manners and doctrine. Deeply impressed with the de- 
clining state of religion, and mourning over the skepticism and 
want of practical piety which characterized the age, he united 
with the Wesley s and became a Methodist. 

Unable to acquiesce in the doctrine of human perfection, 
as maintained by his great coadjutor, he embraced the prin- 
ciples of Calvin, contended for the doctrine of election and 
final perseverance, and established Calvinistic Methodism. 

* Roirm. 

Judge Law's Oration. 15 

He introduced, it is true, no new doctrine when he insisted 
upon the necessity of regeneration and the new birth as es- 
sential to salvation ; but he gave to it its appropriate place 
and importance in the pulpit. Ye must be born again, was 
the great lesson constantly taught and enforced by him. 
He introduced a new style of preaching, and infused into 
the pulpit the ardor and zeal of a mind awakened to the mo- 
mentous intei^psts of an endless future. 

Remarkable for his eloquence and power of extemporane- 
ous speaking, he exerted a resistless control over the minds 
and passions of his hearers ; and both the sinner trembled 
and the believer rejoiced as he painted the terrors of the 
law and reasoned of a judgment to come, or discoursed 
upon the melting mercies of redeeming grace and a Saviour's 
love. Fancy the impression, if you can, as amidst the pass- 
ing storm he exhorted the sinner by all his hopes of happi- 
ness to repent, and avert the wrath of God from being awak- 
ened. And as a gleam of lightning played on the corner 
of his pulpit, he continued, " 'Tis a glance from the angry eye 
of Jehovah!" and as the thunder broke above him, "Hark, 
it was the voice of the Almighty as he passed by in his 
anger ! " and as the storm passed away, " Look," said he, 
"upon the rainbow, and praise him that made it ; very beau- 
tiful it is in the brightness thereof. It compasseth the heav- 
ens about with glory ; and the hands of the most high have 
bended it." * 

When the churches of England were closed upon him as 
an agitator and a fanatic, he established a church in the open 
air, the only one in all England large enough to accommo- 
date the vast multitudes of his anxious listeners ; and thus 
he became emphatically the great field preacher. A prac- 
tice followed by Wesley, and to which may be traced the 
camp meetings of the present day. 

His name stands identified with the great religious events 
and revivals in our country at that period. He went among 
all denominations, and he preached for all. He was hailed 
in New York and Philadelphia as a messenger from heaven ; 
and his zeal, pathos and fervor of preaching was soon intro- 
duced into many of their pulpits. 

The result of his example and connection with these 

* Description of Whitefield's preaching, by Miss Francis. 

16 Judge Law^s Oration. 

churches was a schism in the Presbyterian church, and the 
establishment of a new Presbytery. The Whitfieldians 
maintained the doctrine of man's natural ability and moral 
inability; and, that he had power to perform the duties 
enjoined by God, provided he but wills to perform them. 
Their opponents contended for man's total inability, as the 
doctrine taught in the Scriptures ; and insisted that nothing 
was gained by the distinction between natural and moral 
ability. It will at once be perceived, that the doctrine of 
Whitefield opened a much wider field for the exercise of his 
declamatory powers in the pulpit. The ministers of New 
England invited him there, complaining in strong terms of 
the general declension of the power and life of godliness in 
their congregations.* Similar results followed his preaching 
and example in New England, and the Presbyterian church 
was divided into parties. The Rev. Jonathan Edwards, a 
man of great learning and sound and well disciplined intel- 
lect, from his former didactic manner, became a most pas- 
sionate pulpit declaimer, and, during a great revival, was so 
much excited as to indulge the belief that the millennial 
glory of the church was suddenly about to burst upon a 
benighted world. It was owing to this circumstance, that 
in the calm of subsequent tranquillity and reflection, that this 
gendeman was led to a careful examination of the heart, 
which produced that invaluable work endtled "Edwards on 
the Affections." 

Struck, from his arrival in Georgia, with the destitute con- 
dition of orphan children in the infant colony, Mr. Whitefield 
immediately conceived the plan of raising funds from charity 
for erecting and maintaining an institution for the support 
and education of orphans. This plan had previously been 
cherished by General Oglethorpe, and an example of its 
successful experiment furnished by Professor Frank of Ger- 
many. Animated by a purely Christian benevolence, the 
perseverance of Whitefield in this laudable undertaking 
vanquished all impediments and discouragements. He 
erected a monument more durable than the marble, which, 
when accident and time have now left scarcely a vestige to 
mark the spot consecrated by his benevolence, will yet dis- 
close his motives and his objects, and perpetuate his memory 

* Backus's History of New England. 

Juds:e Laiv's Oration. 17 


with respect, whilst Georgia has an historian to record or a 
citizen to read the story of his virtues. 

Upon the annunciation of his death, the legislature of 
Georgia unanimously appi-opriated a sura of money for the 
removal of his remains, to be interred at the Orphan House. 
This design was relinquished only, because the inhabitants 
of Newbury Port, where he died, refused to part with them. 
The property of this institution was in 1808, by act of the 
legislature, ordered to be sold ; one fifth of the net proceeds 
were applied to the uses of the Savannah Poor House and 
Hospital Society ; and the remainder equally divided between 
the Union Society in Savannah and the Chatham Academy, 
upon the condition, that the latter institution support and 
educate at least five orphan children from its funds.* 

But this spot reminds us also of Selina, Countess of 
Huntingdon — of that excellent lady the friend and patron- 
ess of Whitefield. Her best eulogium vvill be pronounced 
in a brief reference to some of the prominent acts of her 
life. By her munificent contributions she essentially aided 
Mr. Whitefield in the establishment of his Orphan House, — 
to which she bequeathed a large donation at her death. 
She built and endowed a college in Wales for the education 
of pious young men for the ministry. She threw open her 
house in London for the preaching of the gospel of Christ 
— she erected chapels for that purpose in different parts of 
the kingdom — and she was estimated to have appropriated 
during her christian life, for the propagation of the gospel and 
to institutions for the relief of the poor, near half a million 
of dollars. A full-sized portrait of this memorable lady, 
originally the property of the Orphan House, but now of the 
Chatham Academy, is preserved in remembrance of her. 
But what is that portrait of the person and the features, in 
comparison with that fine picture of the heart — of benevo- 
lence and piety and virtue presented to our minds by a re- 
ference to her life and actions? When every trace of the 
pencil shall have been obliterated, and the canvass itself 
shall have mouldered into dust, these will commend her 
name to the respect and veneration of posterity wherever 
christian benevolence is esteemed a virtue, or christian piety 
has a votary. 

* See Clayton's Digest, page 4G3. 


18 . Judife Law^s Oratimi. 

We have now to enter upon a new era in the history of 
this infant settlement ; and a new current of events claim 
our attention. The prudence, wisdom and good conduct of- 
General Oglethorpe had realized the most sanguine expec- 
tations, in engaging and retaining the Indians in the interest 
of England. But the territory of Georgia was claimed 
by the king of Spain, and this colony was the source of 
increasing jealousy with the Spaniards of Florida. General 
Oglethorpe, sensible of the tendency of this feeling, and 
anxious for the safety of the colony, went to England in the 
latter part of the year 1736, and procured a regiment to be 
raised, of which he was appointed colonel, with the rank 
of general and commander-in-chief of the forces of South 
Carolina and Georgia. Difficulties between the courts of 
Madrid and St. James continuing unadjusted, war was form- 
ally declared by England against Spain in 1 739. Oglethorpe 
received instructions to commence offensive operations 
against Florida and to exert his power of annoyance. The 
invasion of Florida, in the summer of 1740, and an unsuc- 
cessful attempt upon St. Augustine followed. 

After suffering many hardships from disease and exposure, 
and losing nearly a whole company of Highlanders surprised 
at Fort Moosa, this siege was raised ; and Oglethorpe returned 
to Frederica. The scene of action was soon to be shifted, 
and Georgia in turn was invaded by the Spaniards. Re- 
stored to the freedom of the seas, by the withdrawal of the 
British fleet under Admiral Vernon from the West Indies, 
the Spaniards in 1742 fitted out a large armament at Havan- 
nah destined for the conquest of Georgia; which, being 
strengthened by the forces at St. Augustine, entered St. 
Simon's sound with thirty-two sail carrying five thousand 
men. The garrison at Frederica consisted of but six hundred 
and ninety men and some Indians. A dark and portentous 
cloud now lowered over this feeble colony, threatening to 
burst upon it with overwhelming ruin. The destiny of 
Georgia and the fate of Carolina were involved in the result. 
The enemy entered the river Alatamaha, cut off all supplies 
from the garrison, hoisted the red flag at the mizzen mast of 
their largest ship, debarked upon the island, erected a bat- 
tery and mounted twenty eighteen pounders. 

The General perceived and appreciated his situation ; he 
determined, in the face of this overwhelming force, to main- 

Jmlge Lmc^s Oration. 19 

tain his position and act defensively. The haughty Don 
ordered his detachments to march to the attack of Frederica 
— but they had to pass " deep morasses and dark thickets 
lined with fierce Indians and wild Highlanders," * and many 
a Spaniard who penetrated these wilds never emerged 
from them. In these repeated conflicts the enemy were 
always repulsed with great loss of men, and some of their 
best officers. Oglethorpe, learning from a prisoner that the 
forces from Havannah and St. Augustine encamped sepa- 
rately, conceived the bold design of surprising one of these 
encampments in the night; almost at the moment of attack 
he was disappointed by one of his men, who ran off, fired 
his gun and gave the alarm. The General's embarrassment 
was now greatly increased from an apprehension that the 
deserter would discover his weakness to the enemy. His 
ingenuity supplied the means of escape. He addressed a 
letter to the deserter desiring him to acquaint the enemy 
with the defenceless state of Frederica, and how easily they 
might cut him and his small garrison to pieces. He urged 
him as his spy to bring them on the attack and assure them 
of success ; but if he could not prevail with them to make 
that attempt to use all his art and influence to persuade them 
to stay at least three days more, within which time, he would 
be reinforced with two thousand land forces and six British 
ships of war. This letter was entrusted to a Spanish priso- 
ner to be delivered to the deserter, but who, as was foreseen, 
placed it in the hands of the commander-in-chief. While 
the Spaniards were deliberating how to interpret the letter, 
fortunately, three vessels, which the governor of South 
Carolina had despatched, appeared off the coast. This, 
seeming to confirm the contents of the letter, ended their 
deliberations and struck such a panic into the Spanish army 
that they immediately embarked, having set fire to their fort, 
and leaving a quantity of military stores and provisions with 
several pieces of cannon. Thus, by the firmness, skill and 
ingenuity of the General, was the colony rescued from the 
impending danger of total destruction. 

The tempest which threatened to sweep her from exist- 
ence had ineffectually spent itself, and was succeeded by 
the joys and gratulations of the colony. A high sense ol 

* Hewatt. 

20 Judge Law's Oration. 

the character and signally good conduct of the General, upon 
this trying occasion, was entertained and abundantly mani- 
fested by the different provinces through the many compli- 
mentary epistles addressed to General Oglethorpe by their 
respective governors. 

We approach the termination of General Oglethorpe's ad- 
ministration in Georgia. Having spent eleven years of his life 
in setding and defending the colony, during which time he 
had exercised a sole control over its affairs, he was now 
about to leave it, never to return to Georgia. He had watch- 
ed over it with paternal solicitude and care — he had en- 
countered the severest hardships and exposed himself to 
disease and dangers of every kind in its defence. He sailed 
for England in 1743, leaving behind him a character combin- 
ing all that was lovely in generosity, benevolence and phi- 
lanthropy, with the sterner attributes of the soldier. At the 
tender age of thirteen Oglethorpe entered the army as an 
ensign. He was soon a lieutenant in the guards of Queen 
Anne, and afterwards an aid of the Earl of Peterborough. 
Between the ages of seventeen and eighteen he passed over 
to the continent ; and upon the recommendations of the 
Dukes of Argyle and Marlboro' was received into service 
by the invincible imperial General, Prince Eugene. He was 
with the Prince in the great battle at Pet u warden on the 
Danube, in which fifty thousand troops of the imperial army 
encountered and defeated one hundred and fifty thousand 
Turks under the Grand Viser AH. He was also with him 
at the great battle and taking of Belgrade, where the Turks 
wei'e again signally defeated and overthrown. 

His distinguished gallantry and chivalric bearing upon 
these great occasions commended him to the notice of the 
Prince, who received him into his military family. It was 
upon this vast theatre, and under this great captain, that 
young Oglethorpe was schooled in the art of war. The chi- 
valry and military capacity of the youthful soldier had not 
been impaired by time, but uniting with his strong benevo- 
lence of soul, was now, at this later period in Georgia, nobly 
exerted for the benefit and happiness of mankind. 

Upon the restoration of peace on the continent of Europe, 
Oglethorpe returned to England and entered Oxford ; where 
he successfully sought to retrieve the interruption in his edu- 
cation occasioned by his early devotion to military life. At 

Jiidge Laid^s Oration. 21 

the age of twenty-four he was returned a member of the 
British parliament, where those great and virtuous traits of 
character, originating in the heart, were soon displayed, 
which commanded for him, through life, the admiration of 

We may not compare this justly distinguished man with the 
great captains of modern Europe. His family adherence to 
the house of Stuart deprived him of those opportunities of 
advancement, necessary to mature and display his military 
capacity and character. But where every point of comparison 
would fail, it may not be uninteresting to sketch a contrast. 

Napoleon Bonaparte was the greatest man of his age and 
the first captain the world ever saw. At the head of the French 
army he overcame the barriers which nature opposed to his 
progress, and, like Hannibal of old, from the summit of the 
Alps, regaled his exhausted troops with a view of the ver- 
dant vales and fertile fields of beautiful Italy.* He passed 
into Egypt, and the crescent v^^aned at his approach. From 
the banks of the Nile he returned to the banks of the Seine, 
and the Directory was dissolved. In a few months he gave 
a permanency and power to the consular government which 
commanded the recognition and respect of the world. He 
assumed the imperial purple, and kingdoms became his ter- 
ritories and monarchs his subjects. He marched into Russia, 
and all human opposition vanished — the elements of nature 
combined to check his career, and the snows of the north 
were alone able to cool the impetuous ardor of his vaulting 
ambition. With an army of new recruits he manoeuvred 
and batded with the combined hosts of Europe. Yesterday 
a prisoner at Elba, an Emperor to day in the palace of the 
Tuilleries. Truly Bonaparte was the greatest man of his age, 
and the first captain the world ever saw. He may have 
done much for France. He gave her a constitution and a 
code of laws. He beautified her with the labors of art, and 
adorned her with the splendid relics of the ancient masters 
of genius — rich trophies of his triumphant victories. Still, 
Bonaparte was a warrior and a conqueror, and the glory 
which encircled him was won by the shrieks and tears, and 
the wreath which adorned his brow was dyed in the blood 
of Europe. He closed his days a solitary captive on a lonely 
and distant isle of the ocean. 

" Livy, Bisset. 

22 Judge Laid's Oration. 

I can conceive of some act of unassuming benevolence, 
some balm of consolation poured into the wounded spirit of 
a single sufferer ; some delicate sympathy exerted for the 
relief of a suffering family — I can conceive of a yet more 
enlarged and extended benevolence, busying itself with the 
distressed of a whole community ; of a nature so big with 
philanthropy as to extend its sympathies to suflfering hu- 
manity, wher-ever within the range of its noble eflforts wretch- 
edness was found. Yes, I can conceive of such principles 
and such actions that would have conferred upon Napoleon 
Bonaparte more deserved fame, and handed down his name 
to posterity with a higher claim to its gratitude and venera- 
tion, than all the splendors of his military achievements, and 
all the trophies of his conspicuous victories. 

These will be found to constitute the enviable basis upon 
which is erected the fame of the founder of Georgia. These 
will transmit his memory with an unfailing claim to the admi- 
ration of posterity. 

He penetrated the recesses of the dungeons of England 
and gave life and liberty to many a suffering captive — he 
searched into their abuses, and humanity and kindness 
succeeded to cruelty and oppression — he dragged before 
the public the authors of these outrages, and the rigors of 
legal confinement became tempered with mercy. With pa- 
ternal affection he gathered together the poor and destitute 
of his own country, and the wandering exile from Germany, 
the victims of religious intolerance; — with these he crossed the 
Adantic and became in this western world the founder of a 
new State. Abandoning the honors and pleasures of the 
first court in Europe, he devoted the best years of his life to 
the interests and happiness of those whose welfare he had 
espoused. In this cause he expended a large portion of his 
fortune. To encourage the settlers to labor, he wielded with 
them the implements of labor — to protect them against the 
effects of French and Spanish intrigues upon the natives, he 
travelled four hundred miles through a desert wilderness 
without a path to guide or a house to lodge him, that he 
might drink with the Indian warrior the safkey and smoke 
the pipe of peace.* He legislated for" them — he fought 
their battles — he never forgot them. When at the period 

* His visit to the Coweta Towns. 

Judge Law^s Oratio7i. 23 

of the Revolution the sword of England was tendered to him 
to subdue the American colonies, he refused to accept it, 
unless the ministiy would authorize him to assure the colo- 
nies that justice would be done them. He used, upon this 
occasion, the memorable language : "I know the people of 
America well ; they never will be subdued by arms, but their 
obedience will ever be secured by doing them justice." 
Thus replied Oglethorpe, and Lord Howe became the com- 
mander of the British forces for America. He raised his 
voice against the slave trade long before the efforts of Wilber- 
force were commenced. 

He was the advocate in the British parliament of a con- 
stitutional militia, and for the abolition of arbitrary impress- 
ment for the navy. He exemplified, in an eminent degree, 
the great principle of charity and brothei'ly love, which cha- 
racterized the craft of which he was a brother ; for Ogle- 
thorpe was a mason. Possessed of knowledge, wealth and 
rank, he devoted his talents, influence and fortune to the 
relief of the sufferer and the happiness of his fellow crea- 

Rich in every blessing himself, his benevolence for others 
"will challenge a parallel in the history of human life." 
Such was James Oglethorpe, the founder of Georgia. The 
evening of his life was spent in the quiet of domestic enjoy- 
ment in his native land. He became a patron of literature, 
and a friend of genius. The learned sought his association, 
enjoying the pleasures of intellect, and participating in the 
easy and elegant hospitality of his mansion. Orators pro- 
claimed his worth in the senate ; and the finest poets of Eng- 
land celebrated in song his virtues. The active, brilliant, 
enterprising and useful morning of life, was succeeded by an 
evening calm and serene as the western sun when he sets 
without a cloud to obscure him. 

At the close of Oglethorpe's administration we suspend 
the consideration of the progress of the colony, very briefly 
to examine the principles of government and the regulations 
adopted by the Trustees, together with their practical bear- 
ing and consequences upon the prosperity and growth of 
the province. 

There is more in this inquiry to gratify our curiosity, than 
to instruct by furnishing materials for useful historical reflec- 
tion. The advancement of the proprietory to the royal gov- 

24 Judge Lti'w's Oration, 

ernment had caused these regulations to be wholly super- 
seded long before our Revolution, so as to preclude all 
connection between them and that event, or the institutions 
of the country which succeeded it. The utility of an ac- 
quaintance with the principles of government which obtained 
in the earlier history of a country is, chiefly, by the contrast 
which is furnished, by a comparison with its present institu- 
tions, exciting to a more Uvely appreciation of their value 
and importance. 

There is but litde room here for such observations, until 
we arrive at the period of the royal government. Our in- 
quiry will, however, serve to illustrate the necessity of an 
adaptation and fitness of laws to the actual circumstances 
and condition of the people upon whom they are to operate ; 
to shew, that the only intelligible and authoritative rule of 
government, to a people, is that which harmonizes with their 
condition ; and that the introduction of a new system, how- 
ever specious in theory, unaccommodated to those circum- 
stances, unsupported by established practice, and conflicting 
with surrounding example, cannot be beneficially maintained. 

The successive changes experienced in the political con- 
dition of the nations of Europe, and more particularly of Eng- 
land, between the darkness of the eleventh century and the 
bright morning which dawned upon the world at the com- 
mencement of the fifteenth, were but consequences of their 
changing circumstances. The relaxation of the feudal ten- 
ures; the substitution of pecuniary rents for personal services; 
the introduction and extension of leases ; the abolition of 
the villeinage state ; the vacillation of power between the 
aristocracy and the monarch ; the finally growing importance 
of the commons, — were all changes in their political regula- 
tions accommodating the government to the improved cir- 
cumstances and condition of the people, resulting from the 
gradual increase of knowledge, the introduction of, and 
greater attention bestowed upon the useful arts, agriculture, 
manufactures and commerce ; and from an improved juris- 
prudence, resulting from the accidental discovery of a copy 
of Justinian's Pandects. 

And here it is curious to remark, that when that long 
night, which overwhelmed in darkness the civilized world, 
approached, and began to throw its lengthening shadows 
around — when the lights of science began to burn dimly — 

Judge Law^s Oration. 25 

when philosophy had become sophistry, and poetiy and 
history barbarous, "the lawyers by the constant study and 
close imitation of their predecessors, were yet able to main- 
tain the same good sense in their decisions and reasonings, 
and the same purity in their language and expression." * 
And as the science of the law was thus the last light extin- 
guished amid the universal gloom, so it was the first, at 
returning dawn, that emitted its rays to illumine and cheer a 
benighted world. A review of this portion of European 
history would demonstrate the necessity, in order that the 
machine of government should work well, of adapting and 
accommodating their political institutions to the condition 
and circumstances of the people. The failure of the funda- 
mental constitution devised by the great philosopher John 
Locke, whose aid was invoked by the proprietors of South 
Carolina, when at a distance from, and ignorant of the cli- 
mate and true situation, condition and wants of the people 
of Carolina, furnishes an illustration more closely in point; 
and imparted a lesson, which the Trustees of Georgia were 
constrained to learn, by a similar result of their benevolent 
and apparently judicious theory. The causes of difficulty 
may be embraced under three heads: — 1st. The tenure 
upon which the lands were granted ; 2d. The means of 
cultivation; 3d. The articles of culture. 

1st. The grant was in tail male, so that upon the death of 
the tenant leaving only daughters, the land reverted to the 
Trustees. The monstrous injustice of this principle of Salic 
law, so revolting to the best feelings and affections of our 
nature, renders its adoption and application, as a public law 
designed to regulate the inheritance of private property, in 
an agricultural and commercial colony, by civilized and en- 
lightened lawgivers, a subject of \vonder and astonishment — 
a principle, as applied to private possessions, which finds 
little precedent or support among enlightened and civilized 
nations ; and which refers for example, chiefly to the barba- 
rous nations by whom the Roman empire was overwhelmed. 
The exclusion of females from succession existed among the 
Teutonic nations, and was found in the ancient codes of the 
Thuringians and Saxons. The Salian Francks, who con- 
quered Gaul, carried this custom with them ; and the Salic 

* Hume. 

26 Juds^e Law^s Oration. 


law was supposed to have been enacted about the time of 
Clavis. But even by this law there existed a right of setting 
aside the law and admitting females to succession by testa- 
ment.* This provision was supported, however, by two 
plausible reasons, viz. the great expense at which the Trus- 
tees had effected the settlement of the colony ; and the 
necessity that the occupants should be persons capable of 
rendering military service for its protection against the Span- 
iards and Indians. But the freedom and security of pro- 
perty, and the absolute nature of the title is the strongest 
incentive to activity and industry ; whilst an uncertain and 
contingent tenure paralyzes effort and limits our views and 
exertions only to the present. 

With regard to the means of cultivation, slavery was abso- 
lutely prohibited, and the setders had to rely upon their own 
labor. The inhibition of slavery resulted from the relative 
position Georgia was intended to bear towards South Caroli- 
na as a protection against the Spaniards and Indians; the bet- 
ter to fulfil which, it was deemed important to introduce this 
restriction ; and also, because a large portion of the settlers 
were poor and unable to procure slaves, it was thought that 
the influence of the example of slavery would be unfavorable 
upon the industry of that portion of the whites who were 
thus constrained to personal labor. 3d. As a consequence 
of the prohibition of slavery, and the necessity of personal 
labor by the whites, as also from a supposed adaptedness 
of soil and climate the Trustees had fixed upon silk and 
wine as leading articles of culture, from which the most pro- 
fitable results were anticipated. These restrictions tended 
greatly to paralyze the energy and industry of the colonists. 
The example furnished from South Carolina, where the 
lands were holden in fee and cultivated by slaves, was con- 
tagious and fatal. 

The Georgians beheld their neighbors in the indulgence 
of the ease and enjoying the advantages of slave labor, and 
they thirsted for the same benefits and privileges. Confined 
to a culture of which they had no sufficient knowledge and 
experience, and from which they reaped no equivalent return 
for their labor and care, while their rich low lands remained 
neglected and uncultivated, they longed for the assistance of 
that species of force by which they could reclaim them. 

* See Hallam. 

Judge Law's Oration. 27 

They saw the cultivated plantations of Carolina descend- 
ing for the general benefit of families, or capable of being 
devised, and they revolted at the idea that the fruits of their 
labor and improvements should revert, while their widows 
and daughters were left unprovided for. 

While such were the eflfects upon the setders, the influ- 
ence of these restrictions upon the colony was yet more 
extensive, by deterring the wealthy from settling in Georgia 
and directing their emigration principally to South Carolina, 
where the inducements were so much stronger. The influ- 
ence of these combined causes greatly retarded the progress 
and growth of the colony and defeated the sanguine antici- 
pations of the trustees and mother country. Silk, the 
favorite pursuit of the Trustees, so long neglected in Georgia, 
after the lapse of more than a century is now beginning to 
attract general attention, and whether we undertake to be- 
come manufacturers, or be considered as merely the growers 
and producers of the raw material, is doubtless destined to 
bring again into utility our exhausted soils, to furnish suitable 
employment for weak and infirm laborers and greatly to in- 
crease the wealth and capital of our state. Abundant cause, 
it is true, may be found in the inaptitude and hostility of en- 
tails to the genius and character of our republican institutions, 
to have produced the constitutional provision in Georgia 
prohibiting them ; but as the most important measures are 
frequently traced to remote and faint causes, it is not impro- 
bable, that the early prejudices created here on this subject 
may have had considerable agency in producing that inhi- 

The retirement of General Oglethorpe was succeeded by 
the appointment of a President and Council. The colony 
still continued to languish, and no material alteration occurred 
in its condition for a series of years. Even this period of 
its history is however not without its interest ; and many 
thrilling events are recorded, illustrative of the difficulties 
and dangers by which the colonists were surrounded, and the 
firmness and character by which they were encountered. 
One event in particular transpired, which is worthy of notice, 
because it severely tested the President* and Council, threat- 
ened the destruction of the colony, and brought it to the 

*" Will'mtu Stephens was then President. 

28 ^ Judge Law's Oration. 

brink of ruin. In the treaties which had been ratified with 
the Indians, the islands of St. Catherines, Ossabaw and Sapelo 
were reserved as hunting grounds to the Indians. A man 
named Thomas Bosomworth who came to Georgia as chap- 
lain to Oglethorpe's regiment, married an Indian woman 
named Mary, formerly an interpreter for Oglethorpe. This 
man, stimulated by his cupidity, was induced to claim the 
reserved islands in right of his wife. 

He tampered with the Indians by artful misrepresentations 
of the intentions of the English, and succeeded in prevailing 
with them to acknowledge his wife as queen of the upper 
and lower Creeks. She marched upon Savannah with a 
host of Indians, chiefs and warriors, and demanded the im- 
mediate surrender of all the lands south of Savannah, under 
the threat, in case of refusal, of the extirpation of the colony. 
The whole force of the town, amounting to only one hundred 
and seventy men capable of bearing arms, were called out. 
The inhabitants were in the greatest consternation and 
alarm — the inflamed savages roamed through the streets 
menacing hostility. The utmost firmness and prudence 
were now necessary to manage this delicate affair, and 
prevent extremities ; fortunately, these were not wanting. 
Bosomworth and Mary being privately seized were put into 
close confinement : while the Indians were collected and 
addressed by the President, and every mode of conciliation 
tried. The President undertook to distribute presents among 
them, and the flattering hope of an amicable termination 
began to be indulged, when suddenly Mary, released from 
confinement, rushed in among the Indians and again in- 
flamed them to hostility. Malatche, an Indian chief, started 
from his seat, seized his arms and called upon the rest to 
follow his example. Instantly hundreds of uplifted toma- 
hawks threatened the President and Council with immediate 
death — universal tumult and confusion pervaded the whole 
house. At this critical moment a bold and gallant oflicer,* 
commander of the guards, followed by his men well armed, 
threw himself into the door and ordered the Indians imme- 
diately to surrender their arms. This display of courage, 
sustained by ready preparation for immediate action, pro- 
cured a reluctant submission from the Indians. Mary was 

* Captain Jones. 

Judge Law*s Oration. 29 

confined under a guard and all access to her denied. The 
Indians were finally prevailed on peaceably to retire, and the 
colony was thus relieved by its firmness and intrepidity, from 
this appalling danger. 

In the year 1750 the restrictions respecting the titles to 
land were removed, and a colonial assembly was authorized. 
In 1752 the trustees resigned their charter and the province 
became a royal government, admitted to all the privileges 
and liberties enjoyed by the neighboring provinces. Its 
progress was still retarded by the weakness and insufficiency 
of several administrators ; and it was not until the appoint- 
ment of Sir James Wright as Governor of Georgia that she 
emerged from the long state of depression into which 
she had sunk, became sensible of her vast resources, and 
of the means of bringing them into activity and usefulness. 
The rich and fertile low lands and river swamps were now 
reclaimed and brought into cultivation — her agriculture 
assumed a new aspect, and her commerce advanced pro- 
gressively with it upon a broader and more expanded scale. 
The planter, animated with his prospects, gave new vigor to 
his industry and exertions, while the capital of England was 
freely brought to his aid through an extensive credit system, 
as confidence was established in the rapidly advancing pros- 
pects and ultimate success of the colony. 

In this prosperous state we leave the colony for a while, 
to glance at one or two topics which merit a passing notice. 
The aborigines of this continent have always constituted a 
fruitful subject of interest and curious investigation. At the 
settlement of Georgia, the territory embraced within the 
charter, was inhabited by hordes of savages, known as the 
Muscogee or Creeks, the Cherokees, the Chickasaws and 
the Choctaws. They were all characterized by similar hab- 
its, customs and pursuits, although in fact distinguished as 
nations, (if nations they might be called,) or distinct commu- 
nities by the foregoing appellations. The Creeks occupied 
the sea board and neighboring country, and were in the 
possession of that portion of Georgia first occupied by the 

They have a tradition among them, that they came from 
the west — that, being distressed by wars with other Indian 
tribes, they crossed the Mississippi, directing their course 
eastwardly, and settled below the falls of Chattahouchee ; 

30 Judge Law's Oration. 

from whence they spread out to Ockmulgee, Oconee, Savan- 
nah, and down on the sea coast of Carolina, where they 
first met with the whites. 

As it regards their civil and pohtical condition, there was 
nothing among any of these tribes which bore the semblance 
of an established government. They lived gregariously, as 
wandering hunters, without unity or compact as a people; 
and with no other ideas of laws than such as were confined 
to a few immemorial customs. Each distinct community 
was again divided into tribes or families ; many of which 
families inhabited together the same town. Each tribe being 
distinguished by some appellative usually derived from the 
brute creation or vegetable world, as the eagle or bear 
tribe, &c. 

Individuals of the same tribe were not permitted to inter- 
marry. The chief civil office in each town was by hered- 
itary succession in some one tribe ; but as that succession 
was always in the female line, so in process of time it passed 
through the difierent tribes. In the centre of the town was 
the public square, surrounded by the houses of their chief, 
warriors, and assistant counsellors or beloved men. Within 
this square their council fires blazed, their solemn business 
was transacted, and the dance was had. 

The civil government was in the hands of their Micco and 
beloved men, by whom was appointed their great warrior or 
ruler of military affairs, with the power of declaring war and 
determining upon its continuance. Their marriages were 
principally adjusted by the female members of the families 
of the respective parties ; but it was an indispensable requi- 
site on the part of the suitor, that he should have made his 
hunt, gathered his crop, and built his house. The privilege 
of punishing for murder was reserved to the tribe or family 
of the injured party ; who sometimes accepted a pecuniary 
compensation, analogous to the weregild or composition for 
homicide which obtained among the ancient Francks ; or, in 
case of flight, resorted to the next of kin. 

Their notions of religion were exceedingly vague. Yet 
they were not destitute of an idea of some Supreme Being 
whom they denominated a master of breath — a God, there- 
fore, in whom they lived and moved and had their being. 
They fixed his residence in the clear sky, and believed that 
there were two with him, three in all. 

Judge Laic's Oration. 31 

Such was the condition of the aborigines within the char- 
tered limits of Georgia when our ancestors arrived here.* 

Where is the posterity of the red man who once inhab- 
ited this land, now so changed by the meliorating hand of 
civilization, industry and art? There is a melancholy senti- 
ment pervading our bosoms in the contemplation of their 
story and destiny. It is the destiny of the law of nations; 
ignorance and savagism must yield to the superior power of 
light, knowledge and civilization. It is the destiny of an 
inscrutable providence. 

Endowed with a nature, and established in habits immu- 
table as nature, which defy the influence of civilization and 
the admission of improvement, they stand in the creation of 
God's intelligent beings, unapproachable for purposes of 
change and melioration ; they present the spectacle of a 
"moral phenomenon," at which we wonder, and for whom 
we sympathize, but over whose destiny we have no control. 
It seems to be fixed by the law of their nature, by the wis- 
dom of an inscrutable providence. 

It is honorable to human nature that their fate should have 
awakened the attention and excited the sympathy of this 
great Republic. 

But by the universal consent of European nations making 
discovery on this continent, the common principle was adopt- 
ed, that such discovery conferred title. 

The charters conferred by the crown of Great Britain 
granted the absolute domain and right of jurisdiction. But 
the application of the principle before stated, however admit- 
ted as between the discoverers, has been denied towards the 
aborigines — and notwithstanding the terms of the charter 
the Indian right of occupancy has been respected ; and 
Georgia, like most of her sister States, have acquired that 
right by purchase and cession. 

The neglect and failure of the general government to ex- 
tinguish the admitted right of Indian occupancy under the 
compact of 1802, and the subsequent extension of her laws 
by the State over the territory occupied by the Cherokees, 
has furnished a theme for reproach, not authorized by the 
conduct of the State under the circumstances in which she 

" I have collected these facts principally from a copy of Col. Hawkins's manuscript, 
taken by the late Gen. John Floyd, and presented to our Society by Gen. Charles 
Floyd. Many of these original writings of Col. Hawkins have now been procured 
by tiie Society. 

32 Juds:e Law's Oration, 


was placed — circumstances, so strongly evincive of her 
great forbearance towards this peculiar people, and patience 
under entire neglect by the general government, as ought in 
themselves to have shielded her from the aspersions to which 
she has been subjected. It never could have been seriously 
contemplated by any reflecting and intelligent mind, that a 
permanent Indian government should be established within 
the chartered limits of any one of the States. The idea 
would have been chimerical, and is repudiated by pubHc 
policy, by example and by necessity. France and Spain, 
from their earliest settlements in North America, adopted the 
policy of considering the Indians in a state of pupilage, ex- 
tending over them their protection and care ; by this policy 
they avoided the embarrassments of the English system. 
Great Britain in the Canadas, the government of the United 
States, and all the older States, among whom fragments of 
Indian tribes remained, were ultimately constrained to the 
adoption of the same policy, and enacted statutes for their 
protection and restraint. The very compact of 1802 between 
Georgia and the general government, illustrates the fact, that 
the idea first suggested was never entertained by the na- 
tional government. The fullness of the example derived 
from other States is attempted to be diminished, upon the 
distinction, that the remnants of their tribes had ceased to 
exercise the right and power of self government. But when 
that point of weakness and degradation has been attained, 
which will authorize the extension of the local law over 
them, and by whom it is to be ascertained and determined, 
are questions which have not been solved. Contemplate the 
Indian character — without an established government of 
their own, without a knowledge and recognition of general 
principles to regulate and restrain them ; reared in a fond- 
ness for war and blood — familiar with cruelties and revenge, 
without moral influences and without religious principles — 
untamed and untutored ; incapable of being softened and 
instructed — It is obvious that such a people could not sus- 
tain a near approach to, and contact with the whites, with- 
out rendering the position of both intolerable, and imperiously 
requiring the superior power to restrain and control the 

The dictates of humanity too, instead of being violated, 
unite with the former considerations in enforcing the propri- 

Judge Law's Oi'ation. 33 

ety of controlling or removing them. For in the approxima- 
tion of the two races, both physical and moral causes have 
operated to diminish and annihilate the latter, and to render 
essential a guardianship over them. The American people 
have not been indifferent to their improvement ; the chari- 
ties of Christianity have not slumbered over this unfortunate 
race. Efforts have been fruitlessly made, and different means 
and agencies in vain employed. The Cherokees of Georgia 
have formed no essential exception to the universal failure. 
Glowing descriptions have indeed been given of their rapid 
march in civilization. But we have the testimony of those 
best acquainted, and most to be relied on, that notwithstand- 
ing individual instances of decided improvement and ad- 
vancement, the great body of the tribe remained, despite of 
all efforts, unchanged and unchangeable. They have gone 
forever from the land of their fathers to occupy the regions 
of the far and distant west. We lament their condition, we 
regret their fate, we are unable to explain the mysteries of 
Providence towards them. 

Another topic, which seems to me to call for a passing 
notice, results from the institution of slavery among us. With 
the abstract question of slavery I have nothing to do here. 
The institution rests upon the constitution and laws of the 
land ; and there, we trust, the sense and intelligence and 
patriotism of the nation will permit it to repose in safety, not- 
withstanding the chimerical and visionary ebstract specula- 
tions with which the country has latterly been so wantonly 
agitated. , My business with this subject is limited to quite 
a different purpose. It is an historical fact, to which w^e have 
already alluded, that at the settlement of Georgia slavery was 
inhibited ; and it is equally true, that, with some exceptions,* 
our ancestry w^ere urgent and solicitous in their reiterated 
appeals to the Trustees for its introduction. My object is to 
vindicate their conduct on this point ; and place them in the 
position they are entided to occupy. Properly to estimate 
their course, it is necessary to look at the state of the public 
mind on this subject in that day ; to look at it with the lights 
which then existed, and in intimate connection with the cir- 
cumstances and relations in which the colony of Georgia 

*The Highlanders at Darien, and the Germans at Ebenc^cer, opposed it, and pre- 
sented counter petitions. 


34 Judge Law^s Oration. 

found itself. We live in a world of changing opinions and 
of increasing light and knowledge. At the period to which 
we are referring, the slave trade, now universally and justly 
condemned by all ci^-ilized nations, was as universally tole- 
rated by all. England, who, under the persevering and 
active labors of a Wilberforce, led the way in the great 
W'Ork of suppressing this odious traffic, was then most ac- 
tive in peopling her colonies, wherever they were needed, 
with slaves. The vast operations of missionary associations 
for evangelizing the world, which we behold at this day, had 
not been conceived. It is true that some small and slender 
associations for this purpose had commenced in England 
more than a century ago, but these were only the beginnings 
of a system, the developements of which had not entered into 
the conceptions of the Christian world. Good and pious men 
were appealed to on this subject. They looked upon Africa 
sunk in the darkness of midnight and paganism. They were 
enabled to realize no access to her, no means of reaching 
her, no hope for her from the light of the Gospel. They 
adopted the conclusion, that their condition would be better 
by being introduced into civilized and Christian communities ; 
where notwithstanding they were required to labor, they 
might be kindly treated and instructed and enlightened in 
the knowledge of the truth. Our ancestors were placed here 
in a country peculiarly and primarily adapted to agriculture, 
with the example before their eyes of the existence and tole- 
ration of the system in all of the elder colonies. I submit, that 
it was the natural result of these causes combined, that they 
should have desired to participate in the benefits of a sys- 
tem then justified by the opinion of the world, of the mother 
country and the example of her sister colonies. We ask 
only for an equality of position on this subject ; and are wil- 
ling to assume our full proportion of responsibility and ac- 
countability to which we may be held by the opinions of the 
day, so unwarrantably intruded upon the country, at the 
hazard of its happiness and repose. 

We left the colonists, after years of languor and despon- 
dency, prosperous and flourishing. The Spaniard had been 
driven back into his strong hold — the Indian had been sub- 
dued by friendly intercourse and kindness, or repelled in his 
hostile attacks, had been compelled to sue for peace. 

They were now to encounter an enemy of a different cha- 

Judge Law^s Oration. 35 

racter and of vast resources and power; and to endure a 
conflict more terrible than any they had known. That enemy 
was the parent country from whom they sprung ; that con- 
flict their great Revolutionary struggle. 

Of the causes which led to this extraordinary result I may 
not speak ; they are contained in that undying instrument, 
the Declaration of Independence — they are interwoven with 
the national history. Nor may I enter into details of the 
long and bloody war which followed. They have been elo- 
quently delineated in many a patriotic address dedicated to 
the celebration of our national anniversary jubilee. The 
situation of Georgia, however, in the commencement of this 
struggle was peculiar, and merits notice. She was the 
youngest and feeblest of the colonies. The number of her 
white inhabitants small and scattered, in the midst of a large 
slave population. Her frontier was occupied by powerful tribes 
of warlike savages ; and a royal governor presided over her 
councils of great talents and energy, and whose course of 
administration had commended him to the esteem of the peo- 
ple. In such circumstances, it required stout hearts and 
ardent devotion to liberty to plunge at once into the vortex 
of revolution. That plunge was however made. 

What means that shout that rends the air and strikes with 
amazement upon the senses of the royal governor? A Uberty- 
pole stands erect in the streets of Savannah, and Tondee's 
tavern reechoes with the cheers of a band of noble republi- 
cans, willing martyrs, if need be, in the cause of liberty. 

The arrival of General Gates in Boston with a British fleet 
and army, and the events which immediately followed, lighted 
the torch of revolution and resistance, which, blazing through 
the colonies, flamed as purely and brightly in Georgia as 
among the patriotic sons of liberty in New England. The 
magazine in this city was immediately seized in the dead of 
night by a party of gentlemen, and the powder conveyed 
away and secured in their own houses. A ship, then recently 
from England, under command of captain Maitland lying at 
Tybee, was approached by a party of men in two boats, 
taken, and thirteen thousand pounds of powder obtained — 
five thousand pounds of which were sent to the inhabitants 
of Boston.* The provincial house of assembly ordered the 

* These boats were commanded by Com. Bowen and Col Joseph Habersham. 

36 Judge Law's Oration. 

arrest of Governor Wright ; that order was immediately exe- 
cuted by vohmteers raised and commanded by a youthful but 
devoted son of liberty.* The Governor was paroled to his 
house, from whence he escaped in the night, and took refuge 
on board a British armed ship lying at Tybee. 

Such were the energetic and spirited measures imme- 
diately taken in Savannah by her republican and patriotic 
sons, at the commencement of difficulty with England. 
The spirit of resistance, awakened throughout the country, 
had not, as yet, looked beyond a redress of grievances. But 
these decided and bold measures betokened a higher aim, and 
excited the public feeling to a preparation for it. The word 
" Independence " began to be whispered — at first with cau- 
tion, and only by the bold and decided ; but it soon burst 
forth in the noble instrument which announced to the world 
their wrongs and proclaimed their separation from the British 
Crown. It was reechoed from Massachusetts to Georgia 
with an emphasis that starded the monarch on his throne, 
and arrayed against infant America, the mighty power and 
vast resources of old England. Now was fairly commenced 
that mighty conflict, which, amidst all the eventful vicissitudes 
and appalling discouragements of so unequal a contest, w'as 
destined to terminate only, when the British lion had crouch- 
ed beneath the talons of the American eagle. 

Liberty, banished from her ancient habitations, an exile 
and a wanderer on the continent of Europe, took a tempo- 
rary refuge under the limited monarchy of England ; but as 
a Hampden fell, and the life-blood of a Sidney flowed, she 
uttered the shriek of despair, and crossing the ocean, sought 
an asylum on these western shores. Her enemies pursued 
her here, and threatened her extermination from the earth. 
For seven long years nourished and sustained by the blood 
of heroes and patriots and martyrs, behold her now more 
beautiful and lovely than ever, and enraptured with the land 
which had so freely sacrificed in her cause, she has, as w^e 
fondly hope, forever fixed her abode in these United States. 

Will that cherished hope be realized ? Interesting inqui- 
ry ! interesting to the present generation, to posterity, to the 
world. Our fathers rested not when they had achieved their 
independence — they labored to secure it, and to transmit 

* Colonel Habersham. 

Judge Law's Oration. 37 

its blessings to their descendants. They were not less con- 
spicuous for the wisdom of their counsels in the cabinet, than 
distinguished for their heroic valor and fortitude in the field. 
If they had encircled their brows with honor and glory as 
heroes and warriors, they added an undying immortality to 
their names as legislators. They erected a government, very 
far surpassing any model, which the world had known in 
practical operation. 

By the introduction of the federative and representative 
principles, they accommodated a republican system to the 
difficult operation of regulating an extended territory, with a 
population of difTerent and sometimes jarring interests. By 
surrounding it with all the checks and balances which human 
ingenuity could devise, they endeavored to provide for its 
security. By the recognition of the fundamental principle 
that sovereignty abides in the people, and thus constituting 
them the source of all legitimate power, they infused into it a 
recuperative energy, a resuscitating principle. The people 
are thus constituted the arbiters of their own destiny. 

And the argument is founded on sound basis which sup- 
poses, that a departure, in the administration of government 
from its great first principles, operating injuriously to the in- 
terests of the people, will ultimately find its corrective in this 
renovating feature of the government. Many causes may 
lead us to aberrate far from the path of duty and happiness 
— the conflicts of sectional interests, the impulses of ungov- 
erned ambition, the excitements of party — but still, the ten- 
dency of this principle will be to restore us. Its force and 
power, however, depend upon, and essentially imply requi- 
site qualifications in the people. These are mainly virtue 
and knowledge. How great, in this respect, is our preemi- 
nence over the once splendid but fallen republics of anti- 
quity ? The lights of science indeed beamed upon them ; 
but they were destitute of that better knowledge which 
illuminates our moral nature, and subdues the mighty powers 
of intellect and mind beneath the controlling influence of 
virtue. The history of much later periods exhibits the pro- 
gress of human improvement darkened with many shades, 
and the perversion of the highest attainments in science and 
knowledge to the destruction of the foundations of social 
order and happiness. The eighteenth century, in the exam- 
ple and fate of continental Europe, furnishes a memorable 

38 Judge Laid's Oration. 

lesson to the world of the awful consequences of a separa- 
tion between the lights of philosophy and the obligations of 
religion ; and demonstrates the necessity, that the monument 
erected to science should be placed at the side of an altar 
erected to the Deity. We are professedly a Christian peo- 
ple, and if our country is desdned to escape the dangers 
which wrecked the ancient republics, to survive the shock 
of time, and continue a blessing to her people, and an exam- 
ple for good to the nations of the earth, it will be mainly 
owing to the fact, that we are a Clyistian people. 

Far preeminent too, over the ancients is our position with 
regard to the means of diffusing that degree of intelligence 
and education among all classes of the people, necessary to 
a correct apprehension of the nature of our government, and 
the exercise of a proper judgment upon its administration. 
I allude to that expanded system of public and free schools, 
so universally adopted in our country ; and, to the mighty 
power introduced by the art of prindng and a public press. 
It is not the eminence attained, in particular departments of 
the sciences, that is involved in our present reflections. This 
is confined in all countries to a few favored geniuses. It is a 
more humble degree, but a general diffusion of knowledge 
we are contemplating. 

The three' great departments of active industry and pro- 
ductive labor, agriculture, manufactures and commerce, are 
constantly tending to augment the wealth and power of the 
country, and thus add to the stability and perpetuity of the 
government. The very collisions which these sometimes 
conflicting interests create, have reacted on the administration 
with a purifying influence. Whilst the vastly increasing pop- 
ulation of our country, with its consequent increased demands 
upon each of these departments, must ere long place them 
respectively beyond the necessity of legislative protection, 
and enable each to flourish by its own unaided strength. 

The spirit of improvement in our country has taken a 
sound and healthful direction. The republics and empires 
of antiquity, and the despotic governments of more modern 
times, employed much of their superabundant wealth in the 
erection of splendid ornaments, exciting a false and vicious 
taste, and provoking the national pride and vanity into an 
admiration for delusive, unreal and unsubstantial objects. 
An hundred generations the leaves of autumn have dropt 

Judge Law^s Oration. 39 

into the grave, and yet the pyramids stand erect and unbro- 
ken above the floods of the Nile.* But what is the country, 
and where are the civil and political institutions of the Pha- 
raohs and Ptolemies ? Alas ! these useless monuments sur- 
vive only to admonish us of the folly and vanity of human 
pride and ambition. 

Where is Rome, with all her splendid monuments of 
greatness and wealth? Where her temples, her columns, 
her colossal statues, her amphitheatres? Alas! the wheel 
of fortune has accomplished her revolution, and the tri- 
umphal monuments of Caesar and the Antonines have 
tottered from their foundations. These stupendous exhi- 
bitions of magnificence, wealth and genius, contained no- 
thing to renovate the decaying youth and revive the droop- 
ing virtues of a falling state, or to vanquish the injuries of 
time and fate. 

They were idle and barren monuments of parade, oppres- 
sive to the generations by whom they were raised, without 
a redeeming quality of good to posterity. Utility is im- 
pressed in living images upon all the enterprizes and im- 
provements of our country — to this great purpose the genius 
of her people, and her resources, both individual and public, 
are bent with an energy and perseverance productive of the 
grandest results to the happiness, power and durability of 
our country and her institutions. A wholesome and moral 
tone is imparted to the public taste and feeling, which 
strengthens, while it purifies. Here no pyramids, of gigan- 
tic proportions, will lift their towering summits to the skies — 
no coliseum, with its huge bulk, cumber the earth — no 
Ephesian, no Roman temple, of gorgeous magnificence, will 
violate the simplicity and humility of our holy worship. The 
splendid monuments of the wisdom and enterprize of this 
age, and of this country in particular, which will be trans- 
mitted for the happiness as well as admiration of posterity, 
will consist in the trophies of genius won by its amazing in- 
ventions in the useful arts ; and in those vast and grand 
works of internal improvement which, linking together the 
distant parts of our wide-spread territory, and abridging that 
distance by easy and rapid communication, will cultivate 
familiar personal acquaintance and knowledge, produce 

* Gibbon. 

40 Judge Law's Oration, 

identity of interests, and, by instructing us in our recipro- 
cal dependence, strengthen and perpetuate tiie bond of our 
national union. These monuments will consist in that ex- 
panded system of general and public education, to which so 
much of the wealth of the country has been applied, for the 
enlightenment of mind and diffusion of knowledge, "the 
palladium of a free government, the guaranty of the repre- 
sentative system, and the aegis of our federative existence."''^ 

These are some of the considerations, which sustain our 
hope, in the strength and perpetuity of our government and 
institutions. Yet, when we contemplate the delicate rela- 
tions which exist in our complex system, and the nice equi- 
poise required to preserve the several distinct governments 
within their respective orbits; when we look upon the dis- 
cordant and jarring interests to be adjusted, and sectional 
jealousies to be regulated and controlled — when we reflect 
upon the moral corruptions, the spirit of faction, the prompt- 
ings of unholy ambition incident to all free states — we may 
not conceal from ourselves the dangers that surround us. 
Our experience of the past, short and limited as it is, ad- 
monishes us that there is a reality in these suggestions ; and 
enforces the truth of the political axiom that, "the price of 
liberty is eternal vigilance." In that momentous period, 
when our safety shall be threatened ; when the wild spirit of 
faction, like a mighty flood, bursting over the barriers that 
confine it, shall deluge our plains and fields, commingling 
"the wandering rivulet and the silver lake" in the confused 
roar of its disturbed and agitated waters, — oh, then let us 
cling to the constitution of our country — it is the ark of our 
political safety — it will bear us securely above the angry 
floods, and amidst the noise of many waters, and land us in 
safety at last upon another Ararat. 

When mad and unrestrained ambition, unmindful of duty 
and of country, shall fiercely mingle in the strife for power 
and for place — Ah ! then let the American citizen turn him 
to the history of his country, and on that page which records 
the illustrious deeds of his ancestors, he will behold a noble 
example of patriotism and virtue ; and like the Athenian of 
old, in view of the statues of Harmodius and Aristogiton, he 
will be subdued to a sense of the love and duty which he 

* De Witt Clinton. 

Judge Law^s Oration. 41 

owes to his country. Let him meditate on the high respon- 
sibility of each succeeding generation to preserve and per- 
petuate to posterity the blessings of this fair fabric of govern- 
ment. Let him contemplate our position towards the nations 
of the earth, and the necessity of maintaining this last, noble, 
living example of freedom and self government. Let him 
cast his eye forward upon the unborn millions, whose des- 
tiny, for happiness or woe, hang suspended on the final issue 
of our grand political experiment. Let him ascend the 
mount of vision, and looking through the vista of the future, 
survey the glory and grandeur of his country, as she shall 
be in the remote annals of time, successfully resisting the 
principles of destruction, erect amid the injuries of time and 
fortune, the abode of happiness, the asylum of the oppressed, 
the light of the world. And, in the mighty anticipation may 
every unholy feeling be absorbed in the one great overruling 
sentiment of Love for our Country. 





With mamj Curious and Useful Observations on the Trade, 

JYavigation, and Plantations of Ch^eat Britain, 

compared with her most powerful Maritime 

JYeighhors m Ancient and Modam Times. 




There have been several accounts of the provinces of 
Carolina published formerly ; among which, Mr. Archdale's 
Description of South Carolina is of most undoubted credit. 
Another account in the form of a letter, (first printed in the 
year 1710) was lately reprinted by Mr. Clarke, near the 
Royal Exchange. I could shew many faults in this piece, 
both as to facts and reasoning, but shall only mention a few 
that are obvious to almost every reader who has ever heard 
any thing of that province. The author is fawningly par- 
tial to the then administration of government there. He 
praises its great blemishes. He finds a beauty in their at- 
tack upon St. Augustino ; an expedition improvidently pro- 
jected, and unsuccessfully attempted. He applauds their 
paper currency, which was a wretched expedient to salve 
up the wounds their litUe republic had received in that un- 
happy war : a remedy Uke those which our profligate young 
fellows frequently meet with at the hands of quack doctors, 
who have just skill enough in drugs to remove a clap by 

Preface. 43 

establishing a pox in the room of it. If that writer had any 
knowledge of commerce, or history, he must have known 
that a forced paper credit is incompatible with trade, and 
never held up to par in any age or country in the world ; 
much less could it suit the commerce of an infant colony, 
whose very existence (in the notion of people at a distance) 
w^as at that time precarious. I shall no farther pursue the 
crudities of that author; it is sufficient to observe, that if his 
account had been as just and accurate as Mr. Archdale's, it 
could not answer the expectations of the public at this time. 
Those treatises tell us of twenty sail of shipping, but now we 
can truly say that there are yearly two hundred freighted at 
Charles Town. The wide extent of their rice trade ; the 
amazing increase of their stock of negroes and of cattle ; and 
the encouraging essays they have made in wine and silk, 
render South Carolina a new country to the geographers. 
Neither of these writers is copious enough on the topic of the 
benefits which may arise to Great Britain by peopling this 
fruitful continent : that argument is therefore handled the 
more largely in the following pages. About two years ago, 
captain Purry, a Swiss gentleman, wrote* an authentic ac- 
count of that country in French, which was printed at Neuf- 
chattel in Switzerland : and to shew that he believed himself 
when he gave a beautiful description of South Carolina, he 
has gone to settle there with six hundred of his country- 

And he that hangs, or beats out 's brains 

The devil 's in him if he feigns. Hud. 

Mr. Archdale's veracity will hardly be questioned by any 
but bigots, when the public shall be informed of his remark- 
able integrity in his own principles. He, being a quaker, 
was chosen into Parliament by the town of Colchester in 
Essex, but chose to relinquish his seat rather than violate 
his conscience with regard to oaths and the test act. He 
governed South Carolina with that moderation, that the col- 
ony blesses his memory ; and their latest posterity will have 
cause to bless it ; for, under providence they owe to him 
their very being. 

An anonymous author ought to have vouchers for his facts. 

* This is entitled, Description Abregec de V Etat present de la Caroline meridionale. 

44 Preface. 

I make an impartial judgment of the incorrectness of my 
style, and therefore cannot resolve to prefix my name to this 
piece : but by proper references to Mr. Archdale and Mr. 
Purry, I show that they concur with me in the geography 
and natural history of the country. The reasonings and 
observations are the result of various reading and conversa- 
tion in many years : let these therefore stand or fall by them- 

Since the following chapters were prepared for the press, 
I have read a curious pamphlet, entitled. Select Tracts re- 
lating to Colonies, ^c, sold by Mr. Roberts, the publisher 
of this essay. Those tracts were written by the most know- 
ing men of their respective generations, and the style and 
matter of the introduction to them sufficiently evince the 
eminent abilities of the person (whoever he was) that col- 
lected them. Had I seen them earlier they would have 
been of singular use to me in many of my observations and 
arguments in the following sheets: I now must be content 
to pride myself in having accidentally fallen into the same 
way of reasoning with the great authors of those tracts. 

I designed to have added a chapter containing the scheme 
for setding the new colony of Georgia : but, upon a revisal of 
an elegant piece which was published in the Craftsman to 
that effect, I thought proper to desist for my own sake. I 
shall only take leave here to mention a precedent of our own 
for planting colonies, which, perhaps, in part or in the whole, 
may be worthy our imitation. 

England was more than four hundred years in possession 
of a great part of Ireland before the whole was completely 
conquered : the wars there, and loss of English blood 
were infinite, the invaders mixed and intermarried with the 
natives throughout the provinces, and degenerated in habit, 
language, customs and affections. In the days of K. James 
the First, the Londoners were at the charge of sending into 
the most dangerous part of that kingdom more than four 
hundred poor families. There were a city, and a town built, 
as had been agreed on : the city of Londonderry contained 
three hundred, the town of Colerain a hundred houses ; 
these w^ere fortified with walls and ditches, and established 
with most ample privileges. They send two members each 
to the parliament of that kingdom, and the mayor of Lon- 
donderry is always the first in the commissions of oyer and 

Preface. 45 

terminer and assize. That city chooses two sheriffs as our 
London does, and they are of course sheriffs of the county 
at large, as the sheriffs of London are sheriffs of the county 
of Middlesex. The salmon fisheries were given to the city 
of London who generally receive more than a thousand 
pounds per annum from them. What the present house- 
rents of their city and town amounts to, I shall not pretend 
to say, but believe they make a considerable yearly sum, be- 
cause the tenants have lately been too brisk bidders for each 
other's bargains. The city of Londonderry, and its liberties, 
(which I think are three miles round it) the tow^n of Colerain 
and the fisheries, belong to the twelve companies of London 
considered as one aggregate body. There are two men 
chosen out of each company to make up this corporation, 
and, I think, they are called the London Society for the 
Plantation of Ulster. Besides this great estate belonging to 
them in one body, each company, in" its own right, and by 
itself, has, or lately had, a large and rich manor belonging to 
it. One of them was lately sold for twenty thousand pounds, 
and I think a quit-rent of a hundred a year reserved upon 
it to the company forever. The Londoners have drawn 
above a hundred thousand pounds from that colony within 
ten years last past, and it is not probable that the first settle- 
ment ever cost them eight thousand pounds, which made 
four hundred families of their poor freemen happy, at the 
same time that it purchased so good an estate and strength- 
ened the English interest in that kingdom. No other part 
of Ireland is now so perfectly free from the native Irish as 
are those tw^o towns and their districts. The populace of 
Londonderry and of the adjoining country were so vigorous 
at the revolution as to endure a siege which has made that 
English colony memorable to latest posterity. 

It is needless to expatiate in the just commendation of the 
Trustees for establishing a colony in Georgia. They have, 
for the benefit of mankind, given up that ease and indolence 
to which they were entitled by their fortunes and the too 
prevalent custom of their native country. They, in some 
degree, imitate their Redeemer in sympathizing with the 
miserable, and in laboring to relieve them. They take not 
for their pattern an epicurian deity : they set before their 
eyes the Giver of all good gifts, who has put it into their 
hearts, (and may he daily more and more enable their hands) 
to save multitudes of his living images from perdition. 

46 J[ JYew and Jlccurate Account of the 


The Situation of Carolina, the Historical Account of it ; how far the Right to a 
new Country is acquired by the first Discovery; by Occupancy ; lost by De- 

The great and beautiful country of Carolina is bounded 
on the north between 35 and 36 deg. of N. latitude, with 
Virginia and the Apalatian mountains, on the east with the 
Atlantic ocean, on the south about 30 deg. N. latitude, with 
part of the Atlantic, or gulf of Florida, and with Florida, and 
on the west its extent is unknown. All the charters, or pa- 
tents of our kings that describe its bounds, have carried it 
westward in a direct line as far as the South Seas. 

The Spaniards formerly included it all under the general 
name of Florida, and pretended a right to it by virtue of the 
pope's donation, as indeed they did to all America. The 
French, in the days of their Charles the IXth, made a little set- 
tlement there by the countenance and encouragement of ad- 
miral Coligny ; but the civil wars in France prevented him 
from taking due care of it, and it came to nothing. He made 
a second, but almost all his men were murdered by the 
Spaniards after quarter given ; and the French king did not 
resent it, probably because they were protestants. It is not 
unhkely that the admiral's view in sending these colonies was 
to secure a retreat for himself and the rest of the reformed 
in case they were conquered in France. 

The Spaniards by injustice and cruelty provoked the In- 
dians, and prepared them for the arrival of a third body of 
French, who put all the Spaniards to the sword. The com- 
mander of this third expedition contented himself with mak- 
ing a tour in the country ; he made no settlement there, nor 
did the Spaniards seek to recover it ; so that from the year 
1567 it lay deserted by all European nations, till the days of 
our K. Charles the lid, when the English effectually settled 
there, by virtue of his majesty's grant to certain lords pro- 
prietors, and completed that right, which his predecessor, 
K. Henry the Vllth, had acquired by the first discovery of this 
part of the continent. It is true, indeed, the Spaniards were 
acquainted with this country so early as the year 1512, under 
the conduct of John Ponce de Leon, but sir Sebastian Cabot, 
or Cabota, born at Bristol, of Venetian parents, had first dis- 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 47 

covered it in the year 1497, under the commission, at the 
costs, and in the name of our K. Henry the Vllth, as appears 
by foreign writers, of that age of great repute in the learned 
world, and some of them are Spanish authors. 

I think the civilians are not all agreed upon sure canons, or 
maxims concerning the best method of acquiring the dominion 
of countries, nor how far the first discovery can vest, or es- 
tablish a right. Some Romish and Spanish lawyers have 
been so fond as to fancy that the pope's donation is the best 
title imaginable ; yet (I know not how it happens) not only 
the heretics of England, but even the most Christian king, 
the eldest son of the church, has contravened that title, has 
taken possession of large countries in America and grasps at 

I believe the doctrine most generally received is this : that 
occupancy is the most unquestionable title, by the law of na- 
ture ; and that touching at a coast for fuel and water ; erect- 
ing a cross, or the arms of a prince, or state, and trapanning 
away two or three of the savage natives into captivity, are 
not such an occupancy as can reasonably acquire the domi- 
nion of a country ; for at that rate Cain, who was a vagabond 
on earth, might have claimed universal monarchy, and have 
left no room for the children of Seth. The common sense of 
mankind could not fail to establish a rule, that dereliction 
should be as certain a method of waving, or giving up pro- 
perty, as the true and genuine occupancy is of acquiring it ; 
and for a like reason ; for if I am entitled to take a thing out 
of the common of nature and make it my separate property 
by using it, my not using it any longer is the most natural 
waiver and abdication of that property, and justly throws that 
thing into the common again, to be possessed by the next 
occupant. This occupancy then consists in a settlement of 
people, dwelling in fixed habitations and tilling the earth ; and 
this is what princes and states would prefer to all other rights, 
let declarations and manifestoes swell with never so many 
historical claims of the earliest discovery, when sovereigns are 
disposed to quarrel. And this right, like all other rights, 
must at all times be accompanied with a sufficient force to 
defend it from invaders, for reasons too obvious here to be 
enlarged on. 

Under this rational notion of acquiring dominion, an ex- 
tent of the ancient Florida of three hundred miles in length 

48 A J^ew and Accurate Account of the 

by the ocean coast, became the property of England more 
than sixty years ago. For King Charles the lid having 
by his* letters patents granted the same to several lords pro- 
prietors by the name of Carolina, they peopled it with a col- 
ony which has ever since subsisted, though frequently check- 
ed in its growth by heavy difficulties and discouragements. 

This colony had a very promising beginning ; there were 
a great number of laws, or constitutions agreed to by the 
lords proprietors, which gave a general toleration for tender 
consciences, and contained many other wholesome regula- 
tions. These had been drawn up by the great lawyer and 
famous politician the Earl of Shaftsbury, with the assistance 
of Mr. Lock the philosopher, but were not duly observed 
when the lords proprietors came to exercise their jurisdic- 
tion over numbers of people : there was a natural infirmity 
in the policy of their charter, which was the source of many of 
the misfortunes of the colony, without any imputation on the 
noble families concerned. For the grantees, being eight in 
number, and not incorporated, and no provision being made 
to conclude the whole number by the voices of the majority, 
there could not be the timely measures always agreed on 
which were proper, or necessary for the safety and good 
government of the plantation. In the mean time the inhab- 
itants grew unruly and quarrelled about religion and politics, 
and while there was a mere anarchy among them, they were 
exposed to the attacks and insults of their Spanish and 
Indian neighbors, whom they had imprudently provoked and 
injured ; and to discharge the debts contracted by their un- 
successful attempts, they unskilfully forced a paper currency 
upon the subject, by an act of their parliament, which natur- 
ally put an end to credit and suspended their commerce ; 
and as if they had conspired against the growth of the col- 
ony, they repealed their laws for liberty of conscience, though 
the majority of the people were dissenters, and had resorted 
thither under the public faith for a complete indulgence, 
which they considered as part of their Magna Charta. Their 
strict conformity law was indeed repealed long before the 
lords proprietors surrendered their patent, but it was long 
enough in force to do abundance of mischief. 

And yet such are the natural advantages of this happy 

"* The letters patents to the Earl of Clarendon, «&c.boie date the 29th day of March, 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 49 

climate, that even under these discouragements, the colony 
grew so considerably, that Charles Town has now near * six 
hundred good houses, and the whole plantation has above 
forty thousand negro slaves, worth at least a million of pounds 
sterling, besides an infinite number of cattle. Though it 
was only within these four years that an end was put to 
their sorrows ; for about that time, the lords proprietors and 
planters (who long had been heartily tired of each other) 
were, by the interposition of the legislature, fairly divorced 
forever, and the property of the whole vested in the crown. 


Of the Air, Soil, Climate, and Produce of South Carolina and Georgia. Rea- 
sons why this Country is not well peopled with Indians. The Natives de- 

From what was said in the foregoing chapter it cannot be 
a matter of wonder that a great part of Carolina should have 
hitherto remained uninhabited. The whole is divided into 
two distinct governments, by the names of North Carolina 
and South Carolina. I shall confine myself to treat of the 
latter. The new province of Georgia is taken out of it, and 
divided from it on the north by the river Savannah, equal to 
the Rhine ; its southern boundary is the river Alatamaha ; 
it lies about the 30th and 31st degree, north latitude, in the 
same climate with Barbary, the north part of Egypt, the 
south part of Natolia, or Asia Minor, and the most temperate 
parts of Persia and China. 

t The air is healthy, being always serene, pleasant and 
temperate, never subject to excessive heat or cold, nor to 
sudden changes ; the winter is regular and short, and the 
summer cooled with refreshing breezes ; and though this 
country is within three hundred miles of Virginia, it never 
feels the cutting north-west wind in that uneasy and dan- 
gerous degree that the Virginians complain of. This wind 
is generally attributed to those great seas of fresh water 
which lie- to the north-west beyond the Apalachean moun- 
tains. It seems a journey of an hundred leagues in that 

* See Description Abreg. page 8. 

t Archdale'a Descrip., p. 7, 8, and Descrip. Abrcg.,p. Id. 


50 A Mew and Accurate Account of the 

warm climate blunts the edge which the wind gets in its 
passage over those prodigious lakes. Nor on the other hand 
does this country ever feel the intense heats of Spain, Bar- 
bary, Italy, and Egypt ; probably because, instead of the 
scorching sands of Africk and Arabia, it has to the south- 
ward the spacious Bay of Mexico, which is much more tem- 
perate in its effect upon the winds, than are those burning 
sandy deserts. 

*The soil of this country is generally sandy, especially 
near the sea ; but it is impregnated with such a fertile mix- 
ture that they use no manure, even in their most ancient 
setdements, which have been under tillage these sixty years. 
It will produce almost every thing in wonderful quantities 
with very little culture. Farther up the country the land is 
more mixed with a blackish mould, and its foundation gen- 
erally clay good for bricks. They make their lime of oyster- 
shells, of which there are great quantities on banks near the 
shore. All things will undoubtedly thrive in this country 
that are to be found in the happiest places under the same 
latitude. Their rice, the only considerable staple which 
requires many of their hands at present, is known to be 
incomparably better than that of the East Indies ; their pitch, 
tar and turpentine (of which they export great quantities) 
are the rewards of their industry in clearing the land of 
superfluous timber, f Mulberries both black and white, are 
natives of this soil, and are found in the woods, as are many 
other sorts of fruit trees of excellent kinds, and the growth 
of them is surprizingly swift ; for a peach, apricot, or necta- 
rine, will, from the stone, grow to be a bearing tree in four 
or five years time. All sorts of corn yield an amazing in- 
crease, an hundred fold is the common estimate, though their 
husbandry is so slight, that they can only be said to scratch 
the earth and merely to cover the seed. % All the best sorts 
of cattle and fowls are multiplied without number, and there- 
fore almost without a price ; you may see there more ihan a 
thousand calves in the same inclosure belonging to one per- 
son. § The vine is also a wild native here, five or six sorts 
grow wild in the woods ; it has been said that the stone of 
the grape is too large, and the skin too thick, but several who 
have tried, find all imaginable encouragement to propagate 

* Descrip. Abreg., p. 6. Archdale's Descrip., p. 8. 

tlb., p. 13. 

lib., p. 11,12, 13. § lb. 10. 


Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 51 

the different kinds from Europe ; nor is it doubted that by 
proper culture this wild grape may be meliorated, so as well 
to reward the care of the planter. 

The wild beasts are deer, elks, bears, wolves, buffaloes, 
wild-boars, and abundance of hares and rabbits : they have 
also a catamountain, or small leopard ; but this is not the 
dangerous species of the East Indies. Their fowls are no 
less various ; they have all the sorts that we have in Eng- 
land, both wild and tame, and many others either useful or 
beautiful. It would be endless to enumerate their fishes, 
the river Savannah is plentifully stocked with them of many 
excellent kinds : no part in the world affords more variety 
or greater plenty. They have oak, cedar, cypress, fir, wal- 
nut, and ash, besides the sassafras. They have oranges, 
lemons, apples and pears, besides the peach and apricot 
mentioned before ; some of * these are so delicious, that 
whoever tastes them will despise the insipid watery taste of 
those we have in England ; and yet such is the plenty of 
them, that they are given to the hogs in great quantities. 
Sarsaparilla, cassia, and other sorts of trees grow in the 
woods, yielding gums and rosin, and also some oil excellent 
for curing wounds. 

fThe woods near the Savannah are not hard to be cleared, 
many of them have no underwood, and the trees do not 
stand generally thick on the ground, but at considerable dis- 
tances asunder. When you fell the timber for use, or to 
make tar, the root will rot in four or five years, and in the 
mean time you may pasture the ground. But if you would 
only destroy the timber, it is done by half a dozen strokes 
of an axe surrounding each tree a little above the root ; in a 
year or two, the water getting into the wounds, rots the tim- 
ber, and a bi'isk gust of wind fells many acres for you in an 
hour, of which you may then make one bright bonfire. 
Such will be frequently here the fate of the pine, the wal- 
nut, the cypress, the oak, and the cedar. Such an air and 
soil can only be fitly described by a poetical pen, because 
there is but little danger of exceeding the truth. Take 
therefore part of Mr. Waller's description of an island in the 
neighborhood of Carolina to give you an idea of this happy 

• Archdale's Description, p. 7. t Descr. Abreg. p. 7. 

52 A Jfew and Accurate Jlccount of the 

The lofty cedar which to Heav'n aspires, 
The prince of trees is fuel for their fires. 
The sweet palinettaes a new Bacchus yield, 
With leaves as ample as the broadest shield. 
Under the shadow of whose friendly boughs 
They sit carousing where their liquor grows. 
Figs there unplanted through Ihe fields do grow, 
Such as fierce Cato did the P^omans show; 
With the rare fruit inviting them to spoil 
Carthage, the mistress of so rich a soil. 
With candid plantines and the juicy pine, ) 

On choicest melons and sweet grapes they dine, > 
And with potatoes fat their lusty swine. ) 

The kind spring, which but salutes us here, 

Inhabits there and courts them all the year. 
Ripe fruits and blossoms on the same trees live. 
At once they promise, what at once they give. 
So sweet the air, so moderate the clime, 
None sickly lives, or dies before his time. 
Heav'n sure has kept this spot of earth uncurst, 
To shew how all things were created first. 

The thought of the poet in the last couplet is adopted by 
the ingenious Dr. Burnet in his theory of the earth, with fine 
improvements of it. The Dr. seems fully convinced that 
the temperament of the chmate of Bermudas approaches 
very near to that of the Antediluvian world, in which he fan- 
cies that spring and autumn were continual and universal 
over the face of the earth, till the Almighty (as Milton has it) 
turned the poles askance. And by physical reasoning he 
deduces the longevity of the Antediluvians from this happy 
equality of seasons, uninterrupted by the shocking vicissi- 
tude of heat and cold, which tear the human frame asun- 
der. He thinks that a person born in Bermudas, and con- 
tinuing there all his life-time, has a moral probability of living 
three hundred years. This conjecture seems to be sup- 
ported by what we are told in Purchas's Pilgrimage of 
one of the Indian kings of Florida, who was three hundred 
years old, and his father was fifty years older, and then liv- 
ing. The father is described as a skeleton covered with 
skin ; his sinews, veins and arteries, and other parts ap- 
peared so clearly through his skin, that a man might easily 
tell and discern them the one from the other. His son 
shewed five generations descended from himself. It was 
such a figure as this Indian king, which induced the ancients 
to feign that Tithonus being very old was changed into a 

Longa Tithonum minuit senectus. Hor. 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 53 

Now Georgia is just about the middle of Purchas's Flori- 
da. But not to go too far with the poet, theorist, and old 
historian ; it is probable those Indians divided the solar year 
into two years as the Virginian Indians did. Let us rely 
upon what we know at this day; it must not be concealed, 
that in this country, as almost in every new climate, stran- 
gers are apt to have a seasoning ; an ague, or sort of a fever; 
but then it is very slight : And for the rest, people very sel- 
dom want health here but by intemperance, (which indeed 
is too common.) And notwithstanding their several skir- 
mishes with the Spaniards and Indians, and that the plague 
was imported thither in the year one thousand seven hun- 
dred and six ; yet there are now several aged persons living 
at Charles Town, who were of that little number that first 
settled there and hewed down timber above sixty years ago. 
By the healthiness of this climate, and some accounts of 
Spanish expeditions hither in early times, which were vigo- 
rously repulsed by great armies of the natives, one would 
expect to find the country by this time fully peopled with 
Indians. It is indeed probable that they were much more 
numerous in those days than they are at present, or else 
they could not have defended themselves against the Span- 
iards as they did. But if their numbers were formerly con- 
siderable they have since greatly decreased ; and that might 
easily happen in a century, even though the country be 
naturally fertile and healthy, for the Indians in all the conti- 
nent of North America, near the Atlantic ocean, have been 
discovered to have this resemblance in common : They are 
small tribes of huntsmen, exceedingly apt to make war upon 
each other, as our five nations of Iroquois beyond New Eng- 
land and New York, have within these forty years driven 
many other nations from fertile inland countries, of the ex- 
tent of many millions of acres, and that not without incredi- 
ble slaughter. Add to which, that these poor creatures, 
living with hardly any husbandry, or stores of provisions, 
must perish in heaps if the fruits of the woods, or their hunt- 
ing should once fail them ; one scanty season would infalli- 
bly famish whole nations of them. Another great cause of 
their destruction was the small-pox, the Europeans brought 
this distemper among them. Now their common cure in all 
fevers is to sweat plentifully, and then to stop that evacuation at 
once by plunging instantly into a river. They cannot be per- 

54 A J^ew and Accurate Account of the 

suaded to alter this method in the case of the small-pox, and 
it certainly kills them. Rum also has been a fatal liquor to 
them, many of them have been inclined to drink it to such 
an excess as we sometimes hear of at home in the abuse of 
Geneva, and sometimes they are so little masters of their 
reason, when intoxicated, as to be too apt to commit mur- 
ders ; but there are many sober men among them who ab- 
hor the abuse of this liquor. Thus Mr. Archdale relates, 
that, when he was governor, he ordered an Indian to be ex- 
ecuted, who being drunk with rum had murdered an Indian 
of another tribe. The king of his tribe came to him and 
reminded him how often he had warned him of the dangers 
attending excesses in that liquor, but exhorted him (since 
death was unavoidable) to die like a man, which the unhappy 
man performed with firmness and gallantry. I have men- 
tioned this story because a vulgar error prevails, as if the In- 
dians were all addicted to this vice. But to return to the 
opposition against the Spaniards. It is also probable that 
many tribes were leagued together in the common cause, 
and that the Spaniards were thence induced to think the 
people of this part of the continent much more numerous 
than in truth they were. It is most certain that the nations 
of Carolina in our days have exactly answered in all respects 
the descriptions we have of the inhabitants of Virginia, when 
we first got footing there in the beginning of the last cen- 
tury. Captain Smith (next to Sir Walter Rawleigh) the 
most industrious and resolute planter of Virginia in those 
days, computed that all the tribes in a country much more 
fertile and little less in extent than England, could not draw 
into the field above five thousand fighting men, though the 
tract of land is sufficient to maintain more than ten millions 
of people. 

Sane populus nuraerabilis, utpote parvus. Hor. 

This is confirmed and illustrated by the well-attested story 
that one of their little kings instructed his minister, who was 
coming hither, to number our tribe; the minister, at his ar- 
rival, attempted to execute his commission by making notches 
on a stick, but soon grew tired of his arithmetic, and at his 
return expressed the multitude of our forefathers by point- 
ing to the stars, and to the fallen leaves of a wood in autumn. 
And here I cannot omit saying, that it is a policy of consid- 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 55 

erable benefit to our colonies, and an expense well laid out, 
at proper distances of time to persuade some of the chiefest 
savages, both for authority and understanding, to visit Great 
Britain. That awed with the high idea which our metropo- 
lis gives them of the grandeur of this empire, and propaga- 
ting that idea among their tribes, our planters in their several 
neighborhoods may enjoy uninterrupted peace and commerce 
with them, and even assistance from them, for at least one 
generation. Such was the journey of the Irroquois chiefs 
in the reign of Queen Anne, and such was lately the visit 
from our Indian neighbors of Carolina. The good effects of 
these visits are well known to the planters of those colonies 
respectively, and probably will be felt with pleasure for an 
age to come. 

The description of the Carolina Indians in their present 
state of nature, is as follows, * they are somewhat tawny, 
occasioned chiefly by oiling their skins, and by exposing 
themselves naked to the rays of the sun. They are gene- 
rally straight-bodied, comely in person, quick of apprehen- 
sion, and great hunters, by which they are not only service- 
able by killing deer to procure skins for trade with us, but 
our people that live in country plantations procure of them 
the whole deer's flesh, and they bring it many miles for the 
value of six -pence sterling, and a wild turkey of forty pound 
weight for the value of two-pence. 


Persons reduced to Poverty are not Wealth to tlie Nation, may be Happy ia 
Georgia, and profitable to England ; they are within the Design of the Patent. 

Since the time that the lords proprietors sold their rights 
in Carolina to the crown, the Governor there, has been or- 
dered and instructed to assign liberally portions of land to 
every new planter according to his ability to occupy it; to 
erect towns and parishes of twenty thousand acres of land 
in each district ; and to grant to each parish the privilege of 

* Archd. Description, page 7. 

56 A JYew and Accurate Account of the 

sending two members to the assembly of the province, as 
soon as one hundred masters of families shall be settled in 
it. Neither will the planters be confined to the ground first 
alloted them, their lots are to be augmented as they become 
able to cultivate a larger quantity. These lands are to be 
granted in fee-simple under the yearly rent of four-pence for 
every hundred acres : but this rent is not to be charged for 
the first ten years ; during that time the lands shall be en- 
tirely free. 

But all this encouragement was not sufficient to people 
this country, they who can make life tolerable here are wil- 
ling to stay at home, as it is indeed best for the kingdom that 
they should, and they who are oppressed by poverty and 
misfortunes are unable to be at the charges of removing from 
their miseries. These were the people intended to be re- 
lieved, but they were not able to reach the friendly arm 
extended for their relief, something else must be done, of 
which more shall be said in a proper place. Let us in the 
mean time cast our eyes on the multitude of unfortunate 
people in the kingdom of reputable families, and of liberal 
or at least, easy education : some undone by guardians, 
some by law suits, some by accidents in commerce, some by 
stocks and bubbles, and some by suretyship. But all agree 
in this one circumstance, that they must either be burthen- 
some to their relations, or betake themselves to litde shifts 
for sustenance, which (it is ten to one) do not answer their 
purposes, and to which a well educated mind descends with 
the utmost constraint. What various misfortunes may re- 
duce the rich, the industrious, to the danger of a prison, to 
a moral certainty of starving ! These are the people that 
may relieve themselves and strengthen Georgia, by resorting 
thither, and Great Britian by their departure. 

I appeal to the recollection of the reader (though he be 
opulent, though he be noble,) does not his own sphere of 
acquaintance ? '(I may venture to ask) does not even his own 
blood, his set of near relations furnish him with some instan- 
ces of such persons as have been here described 7 Must they 
starve 7 What honest mind can bear to think it? Must 
they be fed by the contributions of others ? Certainly they 
must, rather than be suffered to perish. Are these wealth 
to the nation ? Are they not a burthen to themselves, a bur- 
then to their kindred and acquaintance ? A burthen to the 
whole community ? 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 57 

I have heard it said (and it is easy to say so) let them 
learn to work; let them subdue their pride and descend to 
mean employments, keep ale-houses, or coflee-houses, even 
sell fruit, or clean shoes for an honest livelihood. But alas ! 
these occupations and many more like them, are overstocked 
already by people who know better how to follow them, 
than do they whom we have been talking of. Half of those 
who are bred in low life, and well versed in such shifts and 
expedients, find but a very narrow maintenance by them. 
As for laboring, I could almost wish that the gentleman, or 
merchant, who thinks that another gentleman, or merchant 
in want, can thresh, or dig, to the value of subsistence for 
his family, or even for himself; I say I could wish the per- 
son who thinks so, were obliged to make trial of it for a week, 
or (not to be too severe) for only a day : he would find him- 
self to be less than the fourth part of a laborer, and that the 
fourth part of a laborer's wages could not maintain him. I 
have heard it said, that a man may learn to labor by prac- 
tice ; it is admitted : but it must also be admitted that before 
he can learn, he may starve. Suppose a gentleman were 
this day to begin, and with grievous toil found himself able to 
earn three pence, how many days, or months, are necessary 
to form him that he may deserve a shilling per diem 1 Men, 
whose wants are importunate, must try such expedients as 
will give immediate relief. It is too late for them to begin to 
learn a trade when their pressing necessities call for the ex- 
exercise of it. 

Having thus described (I fear, too truly) the pitiable con- 
dition of the better sort of the indigent, an objection rises 
against their removal upon what is stated of their imbecility 
for drudgery. It may be asked, if they can't get bread here 
for their labor, how will their condition be mended in Geor- 
gia ? The answer is easy ; part of it is well attested, and 
part self-evident. They have land there for nothing, and 
that* land is so fertile that (as is said before) they receive 
an hundredfold increase for taking very little pains. Give 
here in England ten acres of good land to one of these help- 
less persons, and I doubt not his ability to make it sustain 
him, and this by his own culture, without letting it to another: 
but the difference between no rent, and rack-rent, is the dif- 

* Descr. Abreg. p. 13. 


58 Ji JYew and Accurate Account of the 

ference between eating and starving. If I make but twenty 
pound of the produce of a field, and am to pay twenty pound 
rent for it ; it is plain I must perish if I have not another fund 
to support me : but if I pay no rent, the produce of that field 
will supply the mere necessities of life. 

With a view to the relief of people in the condition I have 
described, his majesty has this present year incorporated a 
considerable number of persons of quality and distinction, 
and vested a large tract of South Carolina in them, by the 
name of Georgia, in trust to be distributed among the neces- 
sitous. These Trustees not only give land to the unhappy 
who go thither, but are also impowered to receive the vo- 
luntary contributions of charitable persons to enable them to 
furnish the poor adventurers with all necessaries for the 
expense of the voyage, occupying the land, and supporting 
them till they find themselves comfortably settled. So that 
now the unfortunate will not be obliged to bind themselves 
to a long servitude, to pay for their passage, for they may be 
carried gratis into a land of liberty and plenty ; where they 
immediately find themselves in possession of a competent 
estate, in an happier climate than they knew before, and they 
are unfortunate indeed if here they cannot forget their sor- 


England will grow rich by sending her Poor Abroad. Of Refugees, Conversion 
of Indians, small Otfenders, Roman Colonies. 

BssmES the persons described in the preceding chapter, 
there are others whom it may be proper to send abroad for 
the reasons hereafter given, which reasons will also shew at 
whose expense these other sorts of indigent people ought to 
be removed. I think it may be laid down for a rule, that we 
may well spare all those, who having neither income, nor in- 
dustry, equal to their necessities, are forced to live upon the 
fortunes, or labors of others ; and that they who now are 
an heavy rent-charge upon the public, may be made an im- 
mense revenue to it, and this by an happy exchange of their 
poverty for an affluence. 

Believing it will be granted that the people described in 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 59 

the last chapter ought in prudence to go abroad ; and that 
we are bound in humanity and charity to send them : there 
arises a question, whether our aiding their departure be con- 
sistent with good policy ? I raise this objection on purpose 
to answer it, because some who mean very well to the pub- 
lic have fancied that our numbers absolutely taken, without 
a distinction, are real wealth to a nation. Upon a litde 
examination, this will appear to be a mistaken noUon. It 
arises from a misapplication of Sir William Petty's Political 
Arithmetic, and of Sir William Temple's Observations on the 
united Netherlands. But when these great men esteem 
people as the wealth of a nation, surely they can only mean 
such as labor, and by their industry add yearly to the capital 
stock of their country, at the same time, that they provide 
the necessaries or comforts of life for themselves. Perhaps 
the rasp-houses may be reckoned part of the riches of Hol- 
land, because the drones are made to work in them : but 
is an infirmary of incurables wealth to a community ? Or 
(which is worse, because it is remediable and is not reme- 
died) are hundreds of prisons filled with thousands of English 
debtors, are they a glory, or a reproach, a benefit, or a bur- 
then, to the nation 1 Who can be so absurd as to say that 
we should be enriched by the importation of a multitude of 
cripples, who might be able perhaps to earn a fourth part of 
what is necessary to sustain them ? If ten thousand of these 
would be an addition to our wealth, ten millions of them 
must add a thousand times as much to it. Did the fire of 
London add to the wealth of the nation ? I am sure it gave 
abundance of employment to the poor, just as people are 
employed in trade to feed and cloth the inhabitants of pri- 
sons. But these are also a slow fire, an hectic fever to con- 
sume the vitals of the state. The true state of national wealth 
is hke that of private wealth, it is comparative. The nation, 
as well as individuals, must work to save and not to spend. 
If I work hard all day and at night give my wages to the 
next cripple I see, it may be profitable to my soul, but my 
worldly fortune is in the same condition as if I had stood idle. 
If the produce of the nation be in movables, land and labor 
fifty millions in a year, and only forty-eight millions are ex- 
pended to maintain the people : now has the nation added 
two millions to its capital, but if it spends fifty-one millions, 
then is that to be made good by sinking part of the personal 

60 Jl JYew and Accurate Account of the 

estate, or mortgaging the real. And upon a par, plus a mil- 
lion, and minus a million in earnings and expenses will ope- 
rate nothing towards increasing the national wealth, if you 
proceed in mfinitum, it is only impoverishing the rich to main- 
tain the poor; it seems indeed to have something of level- 
ing in it ; to prevent which, I think our men of fortune would 
act wisely once for all ; to put these poor people on a footing 
of their own, and shake off the perpetual incumbrance by a 
single act of prudent beneficence. 

One of the gendemen would have Scotland, Ireland and 
Wales sunk under water, but all ihe people saved and set- 
tled in England. He certainly deceived himself with a view 
of the * artificial strength of the Dutch, when their fishery 
was at the highest pitch, and when they were carriers for 
mankind. But they have not been able to preserve these 
branches of trade entire, and their numbers must decrease 
as do the means of maintaining them. Therefore instead of 
taking it for granted, that numbers of people necessarily 
create a trafJic ; we may invert the proposition, and safely 
hold, that an extensive traflic will infallibly be attended wdth 
sufficient numbers of people. 

And yet these unhappy people, w'ho are not able to earn 
above a fourth part of their sustenance at home, and as we 
have shown are a load on the fortunes and industry of others, 
may in the new province of Georgia well provide by their 
labor a decent maintenance, and at the same time enrich 
their mother country. 

Upon what has been said, the reader may be desirous to 
see a state of the difference (with respect to the interests of 
the industrious and wealthy part of the nation,) between a 
poor person here, earning but half his sustenance, and the 
same person setUed in a freehold, of a fertile soil without 
tithes or taxes: and in this computation let us remember 
that of the many thousands of poor debtors, who fill our 
prisons, few earn any thing at present ; and this colony is 
chiefly intended for the unfortunate, there being no danger 
of the departure of such as are able to maintain themselves 

A man who is equal in ability, only to the fourth part of a 
laborer, (and many such there are,) we will suppose to earn 

* See the sixth chapter. 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 61 

four-pence per diem, five pounds per annum, in London ; 
his wife and a child of above seven years old four-pence per 
diem more : upon a fair supposition (because it is the com- 
mon case) he has another child too young to earn any thing. 
These live but wretchedly at an expense of twenty pounds 
per annum, to defray which they earn ten pounds ; so that 
they are a loss to the rich and industrious part of the nation 
of ten pounds per annum, for there are but three general 
methods of supplying the defect of their ability. Whatever 
they consume more than they earn, must be furnished, first 
either by the bounty, or charity of others ; or secondly, by 
frauds, as by running in debt to the ruin of the industrious, 
&,c., or, thirdly, by what our law calls force and felony, as 
theft and robbery, &c. They must be supplied at some of 
these rates, therefore (as I said before,) this family is a loss 
to the rich and industrious often pounds per annum, and if 
the particulars of their consumption, or an equivalent for them 
could have brought ten pounds from any foreign market, then 
has the whole community lost ten pounds by this family. 

Now this very family in Georgia, by raising rice and corn 
sufficient for its occasions, and by attending the care of their 
cattle and land (which almost every one is able to do for 
himself in some tolerable degree) will easily produce in the 
gross value, the sum of sixty pounds per annum, nor is this 
to be wondered at, because of the valuable assistance it has 
from a fertile soil and a stock given gratis, which must always 
be remembered in this calculation. 

The lots to be assigned to each family, as it is said, will be 
about fifty acres. The usual *wages of a common laborer 
in Carolina is three shillings per diem, English value, or twenty 
shillings of their money. Therefore our poor man, (who is 
only equal to the fourth part of a man,) at about nine pence 
per diem, earns about twelve pounds per annum, his care of 
his stock on his land in his hours of resting from labor, 
(amounting to one half of each day) is worth also twelve 
pounds per annum, his wife and eldest child may easily be- 
tween them earn as much as the man ; so that the sum 
remaining to be raised by the wealth of the soil and the stock 
thereon (abstracted from the care and labor of the husband- 
man) is only twelve pounds per annum, it must be observed 
that though this family, when in London, was dieted but 

* Descr. Abreg. page 9. 

62 A- Mew and Accurate Account of the 

meanly, yet it could afford very little for clothes out of the 
twenty pounds it then expended, but now it will fare much 
better in Georgia, at the same expense, because provisions 
will be cheap, and it will also pay forty pounds a year to 
England for apparel, furniture and utensils of the manufacture 
of this kingdom. Behold then the benefit the common weal 
receives by relieving her famishing sons. Take it stated 
only upon one hundred such families as follows, 

In London an hundred men earn 500 /. 

An hundred women and an hundred children, 500 /. 

Total, 1000 /. 

In Georgia an hundred families earn, 

An hundred men for labor 1200 /. 

Ditto for care, 1200 /. 

An hundred women and an hundred children, 2400 /. 

Land and stock in themselves, 1200 /. 

Total, 6000 /. 

In London an hundred families consume, 2000 /. 

Supplied by their labor, 1000 /. 

By the wealth of others, 1000 /. 

In Georgia an hundred families consume of their 

own produce, - 2000 /. 

Of English produce, 4000 /. 

Thus taking it that we gained one thousand pounds per 
annum, (which w^as the value of their labor) before their re- 
moval, that we now gain four thousand pounds, and we have 
got an addition of three thousand pounds per annum to our 
income ; but if, (as the truth is) we formerly lost one thou- 
sand pounds per annum, and the nation now gains four 
thousand pounds per annum, the rich and industrious are 
now profited to the value of five thousand pounds per an- 
num. I might also shew other great advantages in the 
increase of our customs, our shipping, and our seamen. It 
is plain that these hundred families, thus removed, employ 
near two hundred families here to work for them, and thus 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 63 

by their absence they increase the people of Great Britain, 
for hands will not be long wanting where employment is to 
be had ; if we can find business that will feed them, what 
between the encouragement and increase of propagation on 
the one hand, and the preservation of those who now perish 
for want on the other : we should quickly find we had 
strengthened our hive by sending a swarm away to provide 
for themselves. 

It is also highly for the honor and advancement of our 
holy religion to assign a new country to the poor Germans, 
who have left their own for the sake of truth. It will be a 
powerful encouragement to martyrs and confessors of this 
kind to hold fast their integrity, when they know their case 
not to be desperate in this world. Nor need we fear that 
the King of Prussia will be able to engross them all, we shall 
have a share of them if we contribute cheerfully to their re- 
moval. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in 
Foreign Parts have gloriously exerted themselves on this 
occasion : they have resolved to advance such a sum of 
money to the Trustees for the colony of Georgia, as will en- 
able them to provide for seven hundred poor Salzburghers. 
This is laying a foundation for the conversion of the heathen, 
at the same time that they snatch a great number of poor 
Christians out of the danger of apostacy. It is to be hoped 
this laudable example will be followed by private persons, 
who may thus at once do much for the glory of God, and 
for the wealth and trade of Great Britain. Subjects thus 
acquired by the impolitic persecutions, by the superstitious 
barbarities of the neighboring princes, are a noble addition 
to the capital stock of the British Empire. If our people be 
ten millions, and we were to have an access of ten thousand 
useful refugees, every stock-jobber in Exchange-alley must 
allow that this would increase our wealth and figure in the 
world, as one added to a thousand, or, as one-tenth per 
cent. This would be the proportion of our growth com- 
pared with our neighbors, who have not been the perse- 
cutors ; but as against the persecutor, the increase of our 
strength would be in a double ratio, compounded as well of 
negative as of positive quantity. Thus if A and B are worth 
one thousand pounds each, and a third person gives twenty 
shillings to A, now A is become richer than B by one-tenth 
per cent., but if A gains twenty shillings from B, then A is 

64 A Jfew and Accurate Account of the 

become richer than B by two-tenths or one-fifth per cent., 
for A is vvorth one thousand and one pounds, and B is worth 
only nine hundred and ninety-nine pounds. 

Tiie increase of our people, on this fruitful continent, will 
probably, in due time, have a good effect on the natives, if 
we do not shamefully neglect their conversion : if we were 
moderately attentive to our duty on this head, we have no 
reason to doubt of success. The Spaniard has at this day 
as many Christians as he has subjects in America, negroes 
excepted. We may more reasonably hope to make converts 
and good subjects of the Indians in amity with us, by using 
them well, when we grow numerous in their neighborhood, 
than the Spaniards could have expected to have done by 
their inexpressible cruelties, which raised the utmost aver- 
sion in the minds of the poor Indians against them and their 
religion together. One of their own friars who had not re- 
Unquished his humanity, tells us of an Indian prince, who 
just as the Spaniards were about to murder him, was impor- 
tuned by one of their Religious to become a Christian ; the 
priest told him much of heaven and hell, of joy and misery 
eternal ; the prince desired to be informed which of the two 
places was allotted for the Spaniards 7 Heaven, quoth the 
priest ; says the prince, I'm resolved not to go there. How 
different from this was the reflection of an Indian chief in 
Pennsylvania : * what is the matter, says he, with us that we 
are thus sick in our own air, and these strangers well ? It 
is as if they were sent hither to inherit our land in our 
steads ; but the reason is plain, they love the great God and 
we do not. Was not this Indian almost become a Chris- 
tian ? New England has many convert Indians, who are 
very good subjects, though no other colony had such long 
and cruel wars with its Indian neighbors. 

The pious benefactions of the people of England have in 
all ages equalled, if not surpassed, all instances of the kind 
in other countries. The mistaken piety of our ancestors 
gave a third part of the kingdom to the church. Their in- 
tentions were right though they erred in the object. Since 
the statutes against mortmain and superstitious uses, our 
great and numerous foundations of hospitals and alms-houses 
are the wonder of foreigners. Some of these, especially of 

* 2 Brit. Emp. Fol. i. p. 162. 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 65 

the largest, are doubtless of great use, and excellently ad- 
ministered. And yet, if the numbers in this nation, who 
feel the woes of others and would contribute to relieve them, 
did but consider the cases of the people described in the 
last chapter, of the German emigrants, and even of the poor 
Indians ; they would be apt to conclude that there ought to 
be a blessing in store for these also. About eight pounds 
allowed to an indigent person here, may poorly support him, 
and this must be repeated yearly ; but a little more, than 
double that sum, relieves him for life, sends him to our new 
world, gives plenty there to him and his posterity ; putting 
them in possession of a good estate, of which, they may be 
their own stewards. 

But this is not all, that sum which settles one poor family 
in the colony does not end there ; it in truth purchases an 
estate to be applied to like uses, in all future times. The 
author of these pages is credibly informed that the Trustees 
will reserve to themselves square lots of ground interspersed 
at proper distances among the lands, which shall be given 
away. As the country fills with people, these lots will be- 
come valuable, and at moderate rents will be a growing fund 
to provide for those whose melancholy cases may require 
assistance hereafter. Thus the setdement of five hundred 
persons will open the way to settle a thousand more after- 
wards with equal facility. Nor is this advance of the value 
of these lots of land a chimerical notion ; it will happen cer- 
tainly and suddenly. All the lands within fifty miles of 
Charlestown have within these seven years increased near 
fourfold in their* value, so that you must pay three or four 
hundred pounds for a plantation, which seven years ago you 
could have bought for a hundred pounds, and it is certain 
that fifty years ago you might have purchased at Charles- 
town for five shillings a spot of land which the owner would 
not sell at this day for two hundred pounds sterling. 

The legislature is only able to tiike a proper course for the 
transportation of small offenders, if it shall seem best, when 
the wisdom of the nation is assembled ; 1 mean only those 
who are but novices in iniquity. Prevention is better than 
the punishment of crimes, it may reform such to make them 
servants to such planters as were reduced from a good con- 

* Descr. Abreg. p. 9. 


66 A J\'ew and .Accurate Account of the 

dition. The manners and habits of very young offenders 
would meliorate in a country not populous enough to en- 
courage a profligate course of life, but a country where dis- 
cipline will easily be preserved. These might supply the 
place of negroes, and yet (because their servitude is only to 
be temporary) they might upon occasion be found useful 
against the French, or Spaniards ; indeed, as the proportion 
of negroes now stands, that country would be in great dan- 
ger of being lost, in case of a war with either of those pow- 
ers. The present wealth of the planters in their slaves too 
probably threatens their future ruin, if proper measures be 
not taken to strengthen their neighborhood with large sup- 
plies of free-men. I would not here be understood to 
advance that our common run of Old-Baily transports would 
be a proper beginning in the infancy of Georgia. No, they 
would be too hard for our young planters, they ought never 
to be sent any where but to the sugar islands, unless we had 
mines to employ them. 

The property of the public, with regard to its immense 
debt, and the anticipation of taxes attending that debt, will 
probably be a reason to many worthy patrons, not to afford 
a large pecuniary assistance in parliament, though they give 
all other furtherance to this settlement, and yet powerful rea- 
sons might be offered why the commons of Great Britain, 
with justice to those that sent them, might apply a large sum 
of public money to this occasion. Let us suppose that 
twenty-five thousand of the most helpless people in Great 
Britain were settled there at an expense of half a million of 
money ; the easiness of the labor in winding off the silk and 
tending the silk worm would agree with the most of those 
who throughout the kingdom are chargeable to the parishes. 
That labor with the benefit of land stocked for them gratis, 
would well subsist them, and save our parishes near two 
hundred thousand pounds a year directly in their annual 
payments ; not to compute would also be saved indirectly, 
by the unwillingness of many pretended invalids to go the 
voyage, who would then betake themselves to industrious 
courses to gain a livelihood. 

I shall consider the benefit of employing them in raising 
silk when I come in the fifth chapter, to treat of the com- 
merce of Carolina. I shall only here observe that the num- 
ber of poor last mentioned, being thus disposed of, would 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 67 

send us goods, at least to the value of five hundred thousand 
pounds annually, to pay for their English necessaries ; and 
that would be somewhat better than our being obliged to 
maintain them at the rate of two hundred thousand pounds a 
year here at home. 

I cannot dismiss this inquiry concerning the proper persons 
to plant this colony, without observing that the wisdom of 
the Roman state discharged not only its ungovernable dis- 
tressed multitude, but also its emeriti, its soldiers, which had 
served long and well in war, into colonies upon the frontiers 
of their empire. It was by this policy that they elbowed all 
the nations round them. Their military hospital went a pro- 
gress, we can trace its stages northward from the Tyber to 
the Po, to the Rhone, to the Rhine, to the Thames : the like 
advances they made on all sides round them, and their sol- 
diers were at least as fond of the estates thus settled on them 
as ours can be of their pensions. 

What I said before in this chapter, with regard to the in- 
creasing fund, to arise by reserved lots of gound interspersed 
among the lands that will be distributed to the planters, will 
hold good in the same manner in such setdements as might 
be made at a national expense, so that twenty thousand peo- 
ple, well settled, will raise the value of the reserved lands, in 
such measure as will bring Great Britain to resemble the pre- 
sent Carolina in one happy instance, viz. that there is not a 
*beggar, or very poor person in the whole country. Then 
should we have no going to decay, no complaining in our 


Of the present and (probable) future Trade of South Carolina and Georgia. 

Rice, Silk, Cotton, Wine, &c. 

The present state of South Carolina and its commerce 
may give us an idea of the condition of the early settlements 
in the new colony of Georgia. The first essays in trade and 
husbandry will doubdess be in imitation of their nearest neigh- 
bors. We shall therefore consider these colonies together, 

* Descr. Abreg. p. 6. 

68 A J^ew and Accurate Account of the 

the difference in their air and soil being hardly discernible, 
and the same traffic being proper for them both. 

We are not to imagine that either the present branches of 
trade in that country, will be perpetual, or that there is not 
room to introduce others of more importance than any they 
have hitherto been acquainted with. Thus it will necessa- 
rily fall out that their present exports of lumber and deer 
skins will decrease, or rather wholly cease when the country 
grows populous : and this for an obvious reason, the land 
will be better employed, it will be disafforrested, and no lon- 
ger left vacant to the growth of great woods, and the suste- 
nance of wild herds of deer. But the very reason why these 
branches of trade will cease will also be the cause of their taking 
up others, or improving them to such a degree, as must put 
these colonies in a condition to vie with the most flourishing 
countries of Europe and Asia: and that without prejudice to 
their dependence on Great Britain. We shall by their growth 
in people and commerce have the navigation and dominion of 
the ocean established in us more firmly than ever. We shall 
be their market for great quantities of* raw silk, and perhaps 
for wine, oil, cotton, drugs, dying-stuffs, and many other les- 
ser commodities. They have already tried the vine and the 
silk-worm, and have all imaginable encouragement to expect 
that these will prove most valuable staple commodities to 
them. And I have been credibly informed, that the Trus- 
tees for Georgia furnish proper expenses for a skilful botanist 
to collect the seeds of drugs and dying-stuffs in other coun- 
tries in the same climate, in order to cultivate such of them 
as shall be found to thrive well in Georgia. This gentleman 
could not be expected to proceed at his own charges, but he 
is the only person belonging to the management of that trust 
who does not serve gratis. 

The raw silk, which Great Britain and Ireland are able to 
consume, will employ forty or fifty thousand persons in that 
country, nor need they be the strongest, or most industrious 
part of mankind ; it must be f a weak hand indeed that can- 
not earn bread where silk-worms and white mulberry trees 
are so plenty. Most of the poor in Great Britain, who are 
maintained by charity, are capable of this, though not of 

* Descr. Abreg., p. 13. Archdale's Descr., p. 30. 
f Archdale's Descr., p. 30. 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 69 

harder labor: and the planters may be certain of selling their 
raw silk to the utmost extent of the British demand for that 
commodity; because a British parliament will not fail to en- 
courage the importation of it from thence, rather than from 
aliens, that the planters may be able to make large demands 
upon us for our home commodities : for this will be the con- 
sequence of their employing all their people in producing a 
commodity, which is so far from rivalling, that it will supply 
a rich manufacture to their mother country. 

The present medium of our importation of silk will not be 
the measure hereafter of that branch of trade when the Geor- 
gians shall enter into the management of the silk-worm. 
Great Britain will then be able to sell silk manufactures 
cheaper than all Europe besides, because the Georgians may 
grow rich, and yet afford their raw silk for less than half the 
price that we now pay for that of Piedmont : the peasant of 
Piedmont, after he has tended the worm, and wound off the 
silk, pays half of it for the rent of the mulberry trees, and the 
eggs of the silk-worm : but in Georgia the working hand 
will have the benefit of all his labor. This is fifty in a hun- 
dred, or cent per cent difference in favor of the Georgians, 
which receives a great addition from another consideration, 
viz. the Georgian will have his provisions incomparably 
cheaper than the Piedmontese, because he pays no rent for 
the land that produces them ; he Uves upon his own estate. 
But there is still another reason why Great Britain should 
quickly and effectually encourage the production of silk in 
Georgia ; for, in effect, it w ill cost us nothing ; it will be pur- 
chased by the several manufactures of Great Britain, and this, 
I fear, is not our present case with respect to Piedmont : es- 
pecially (if as we have been lately told) they have prohibited 
the importation of woollen goods into that principality. 

That this litde treatise may be the more satisfactory to 
the reader, I could wish I had been minutely informed of the 
present state of our silk trade ; of the medium value of silk 
per pound ; to what amount it is imported ; of its duty, 
freight, commission and insurance ; and lastly, by what re- 
turns in commerce it is purchased. I am persuaded, these 
estimates would afford plentiful matter for observations in 
favor of this position, viz. that Great Britain ought vigorously 
to attempt to get this trade into her own hands. I shall 
however aim at a computation, upon my memory of facts, 

70 A JVew and Accurate Account of the 

which I have heard from those who understand that com- 

1. Great Britain imports silk from Piedmont, near the 
yearly value of three hundred thousand pounds. 

2. The medium price is about twelve shillings per pound 
in Piedmont. 

3. The duty here is about four shillings per pound. 

4. The price of raw silk in London, is generally more 
than half of the price of the wrought goods in their fullest per- 

1st Observ. If the Piedmontese paid no rent for the 
mulberry-tree and silk worm, he might afford silk at six shil- 
lings per pound. 

2d Observ. If silk were bought in Piedmont at six shil- 
lings per pound, and imported duty free, it might be sold in 
London at seven shillings per pound. For, the commission, 
insurance and exchange, or interest of money would be but 
half what they are at present, and there must be some allow- 
ance for the interest of the money that was usually applied 
to pay the duty. 

3d Observ. Therefore Great Britain, by encouraging the 
growth of silk in Georgia, may save above a hundred thou- 
sand pound per annum of what she lays out in Piedmont. 

4th Observ. The Georgian (without taking the cheap- 
ness of his provisions into question) may enable Great Brit- 
ain to undersell all her rivals in Europe in the silk manufac- 
ture in a proportion resembling what follows. 

/. s. d. 
^ ( Raw-silk, one pound weight, 14 

i^ ranee, ^Workmanship, 16 


Great Britain ^ ^aw-silk, one pound weight, 
Cxreat J5ritam, ^ Workmanship, 

Total, I 3 

The difference of these is seven pence in thirty, which is 
near twenty-five pound in an hundred, and is above thirty 
per cent. The reader is desired to consider these compu- 
tations as stated by guess. But the same reasoning will 

1 10 



Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 71 

hold in a considerable degree upon the exact state of the 
several values. 

*Rice is another growth of this province that doth not 
interfere with Great Britain. But we reap their harvests ; 
for when they have sold the rice in a foreign market, they 
lay out the money in our manufactures to carry home with 
them. They have already made an handsome progress 
in Carolina, in cultivating this grain. They have ex- 
ported above f ten thousand tons of it by weight in a year 
already, all produced in a few years from so small a quantity 
as was carried thither in a bag, fit to hold only a hundred 
pound sterling in silver ; they have sold cargoes of it in 
Turkey. They have all the world for their market. A mar- 
ket not easily glutted. 

The indulgence of the British Legislature to Carolina in 
this branch of their trade, shows our new Georgians what 
encouragement they may expect from that august body, as 
soon as they shall learn the management of the silk-worm. 
The law for the ease of the rice trade, is alone sufficient to 
enrich whole provinces : they are now at liberty to proceed 
in their voyages directly to any part of Europe, south of Cape 
Fenesterre, or to Asia and Africk before they touch at Great 
Britain. The difference of the charge of freight is not half 
the benefit they receive from this act of Parliament ; they 
arrive at the desired ports time enough to forestall the mar- 
kets of Spain, Portugal, and the Levant. It now frequently 
happens that cargoes arrive safe, which, as the law stood 
formerly, would have been lost at sea, by means of the devi- 
ation. This new law, in a manner, forces them into tha 
Spanish, Portuguese, and Levant trades, and gives them two 
returns of commerce instead of one. They may now dis- 
pose of their American grain in the first place, and then 
come laden to Great Britain with the most profitable wares 
of the countries where they traded ; and lastly, buy for ready 
money such British manufactures as they have occasion to 
carry home. 

When I speak of the future trade of these happy prov- 
inces, I might expatiate upon many valuable branches of it 
besides the silk and rice ; branches which it mustj enjoy as 

Descr. Abreg., p. 13. Ub., p. 7. J Descr. Abreg. p. 25. 26. 

72 Ji JVew and Accurate Account of the 

certainly as nature shall hold her course in the production 
of vegetables, and the revolution of seasons. But because I 
would not swell this treaties to too expensive a bulk, I shall 
content myself with acquainting the reader that they have 
no doubt of the kindly growth of cotton, almonds, oHves, 
&.C. And in short, of every vegetable that can be found in 
the best countries under the same latitude. 

I foresee an objection against what is here laid down : it 
may be said that all the countries under the same latitude 
do not produce the same commodities ; that some of them 
are incapable of raising choice vegetables, which others of 
them nourish with the utmost facility. For answer to this 
objection, what was said in the second chapter should be 
considered : the intemperate heats of Barbary, Egypt and 
Arabia are there accounted for, from the vicinity of boundless 
sandy deserts ; on the other hand, near Mount Caucasus in 
Asia, and particularly in the kingdom of Kaschmere, or Kasi- 
mere, (which is entirely surrounded by prodigious moun- 
tains) their seasons are almost as cold as ours in England, 
though they lie in the same latitude with Tangier, or Gib- 

These instances of the temperature in countries equidis- 
tant from the Equator, are very opposite to each other, the 
medium between them is the happy portion of Georgia ; 
which therefore must be productive of most of the valuable 
commodities in the vegetable w^orld. 


Observations on the Commerce, Navigation, and Plantations of Great Britain, 
compared with those of some of her Neighbors. 

Whoever would be fully informed concerning the figure 
which England has made in all ages, in maritime affairs, may 
find abundance of curious matter in Selden's Mare Clausum, 
and from his time to ours may learn facts from the Gazettes, 
or read a faithful transcript of both in Burchet's Naval His- 
tory. I shall take notice of two remarkable periods of our 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 73r 

ancient maritime story, because some useful observations 
may be made in comparing. them, both with other nations, 
and with ourselves in our present situation. 

We are told that Edgar, king of this island, had four 
thousand ships, by the terror of which he subdued Norway, 
Denmark, all the islands of the ocean, and the greatest part 
of Ireland. These instances of his power are specified in a 
record cited by that great lawyer. Sir Edward Coke, in 
the preface to his Fourth Report. This monarch made a 
naval progress yearly round this island, and once took it in 
his head to cause eight conquered kings to row his barge 
on the river Dee. But it seems that some of his successors 
have had such pacific ministers, as either neglected to keep 
our fleets in repair, or were afraid to make use of them ; for, 
at several periods of time, since the days of King Edgar, we 
find that this kingdom has been miserably insulted on the 
seas, and even successfully invaded by other nations. 

The British Neptune slept, or slumbered, most part of the 
time, from the reign of King Edgar to that of Queen Eliza- 
beth. In her days he sprung up with vigor, being roused 
by Spain, which was then the greatest maritime power on 
earth. From Queen Elizabeth to our time, our naval 
strength has gradually increased, insomuch that at this day, 
the Spanish fleets opposed to ours, would make a very con- 
temptible figure on the ocean : we now have it in our power 
to lord it over the watery world. It may be worth our 
inquiry to know how these fluctuations have happened in 
the dominion of the seas? And in the issue, that inquiry 
will be found pertinent to the project now on foot for plant- 
ing a new colony in Georgia. 

The tasks and course of life of sea-faring men are not to 
be learned in an instant ; their employment is a laborious 
trade, to be acquired only by application and industry. 
Money will buy all naval stores except manners, but unless 
a succession of them be preserved, no wealth will be able 
to purchase them. The surest, the cheapest, I may justly 
call it, the only profitable method of supporting such a suc- 
cession, is to have perpetual occasion for a multitude of 
seamen in a course of trade. It is indeed probable that 
Edgar's amazing power at sea was, for the most part, owing 
to his own great genius, attended with indefatigable industry 
in training up, and year by year augmenting the number of 


74 A J^ew and Accurate Account of the 

his mariners ; for in those days, England had no great share 
of foreign traffic, people generally contenting themselves 
with the produce of their native country. This great Prince 
must therefore have grievously oppressed his vassals to 
enable him to keep up so great an armament ; and it is no 
wonder that it dwindled in succeeding reigns because it had 
not that solid aliment, trade, to nourish it. 

The Spanish successes in America caused their shipping 
to increase beyond all their neighbors ; they had occasion in 
their beginnings there, for great numbers of transports, to 
carry not only men, but also horses and other cattle, and 
stores to their new conquests. Add to which, that Sicily 
and a great part of Italy belonged to them at that time. 
The communication with these places last mentioned, was 
by sea, so that they had a considerable part in the increase 
of the Spanish naval power. In this flourishing condition 
they continued for a great part of the long reigns of their 
Philip the lid, and that of our Elizabeth. She had not a 
fleet able to give their armada battle : her ships indeed w^ere 
light and nimble, the Spanish, though larger and more num- 
erous, were unwieldy ; therefore the lighter vessels being in 
no danger of a chase, fought, or stood off", as they saw oc- 
casion. But this advantage would not have been sufficient, 
if Providence had not interposed a tempest, for the protec- 
tion of Endand. 

The Queen knew to what causes she owed her danger 
and her deliverance, and became more attentive than ever to 
plant colonies in America. Death prevented her from execu- 
ting her great designs; but some of her best and wisest 
subjects, and boldest seamen, had entered so deeply into 
the plan, and laid it so nearly to their hearts, that what she 
had intended in the settlement of Virginia was in a good 
measure effected in the reign of King James the 1st, though 
the undertaking was a great * difliculty upon his timorous 
councils, because the Spaniards, of whom he stood in servile 
awe, did not approve of it. But his shame, with much de- 
bate, barely got the better of his fears, and that mine of 
treasure was opened to Great Britian. 

This, with what else has since been executed in favor of 
England, both on the continent, and in the islands of that 
new world, has added such a weight of maritime force to the 

* See a short collection of the most remarkable passages from the original to the 
dissolution of" the Virginia Company. 

' Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 75 

natural strength which we owe to our situation, that we are 
able to give law to the ocean. Spain, indeed, has greater 
countries and more subjects in America than we have, and 
yet does not navigate in that trade a tenth part of the ship- 
ping that we do. By a lucky kind of poverty our dominions 
there have no mines of gold or silver: we must be, and 
ought to be contented to deal in rum, sugar, rice, tobacco, 
horses, beef, corn, fish, lumber, and other commodities that 
require great stowage ; the carriage of these employs mil- 
lions of tons of shipping. The value of five thousand pounds 
in these wares loads a vessel, which in the Spanish trade 
would be freighted homeward with half a million of pounds 
sterling. Thus has the Almighty placed the true riches of 
this earth on the surface of it ; our rice and tobacco are more 
real and permanent wealth than their richest minerals. They 
are wealth which create a power to defend our possession of 
them : and without a sufficient force to defend it, the posses- 
sion of all wealth is precarious. Should not Great Britain 
therefore be attentive to the new settlement of Georgia? 
What an addition will it quickly make to the tonnage of our 
shipping ? And what a seasonable support will it prove to 
our island colonies, who stand in need of so near a neigh- 
borhood of their brethren. 

The Dutch were esteemed all the last century the only 
match for England on the seas ; but as a great part of their 
strength was merely artificial, it subsides like the vivacity of 
a wretch who has raised his spirits with a dose of opium. 
Commerce and that wealth and power which attend it may 
be either absolutely in the power of a state, or empire, con- 
sidered in and by itself, without regard to its neighbors, 
which I call natural wealth, power and commerce ; or they 
may depend upon treaties with other States, or be owing to 
their connivance, which pro tempore amount to a tacit agree- 
ment ; these latter species I call technical wealth, &.c. Such 
was the fishery of the Dutch, which they enjoyed by the in- 
activity of some of our English kings : and this must decline 
of course, because of our superior treasures of this kind on 
the banks of Newfoundland. Another branch of their arti- 
ficial strength was, that by the indolence of all nations they 
were for a time the carriers of the universe : but the world 
is grown wiser, other nations begin to work for themselves, 
and the Netherlands will sadly find that this temporary fund 
of strength must also fail them. Their only natural foreign 

76 A JYew and Accurate Account oj the 

wealth and strength is their East India trade ; part of this is 
truly their own, because the land that produces spices is in 
their possession : but when the two former branches shall be 
cut off, they will find that possession every day more and 
more precarious. 

Thus the British empire has a natural wealth in itself and 
in its dependent members ; but it has also for many years 
past enjoyed an adventitious, or artificial traffic. We have 
been employed by all the world in the wollen manufacture, 
but other nations have begun of late to clothe themselves 
and their neighbors too. It is a fond fancy in us to imagine 
that there are no fleecy sheep in the world but our own, or 
that the rest of mankind will not learn the mystery of work- 
ing in wool. We feel this trade decreasing daily, and yet 
there are those among us who would argue against demon- 
stration. But when they hope, by any laws of Great Britain 
to hinder foreign nations from falling into the woollen manu- 
facture, they may as well solicit an act of parliament to pre- 
vent their grass to grow, and to intercept their sunshine. I 
will consider one objection before I leave this point, because 
some imagine that we are secure in this trade, against the 
endeavors of all foreigners ; say they, we make better goods 
than can be made with any foreign wool, unless it be mixed 
with ours. Be it so. But then, does our great wealth and 
income by that trade consist only in our finest goods ? Do 
not our merchants complain that Ireland under-sells us in 
coarse goods at Lisbon ; that because their wares are coarse, 
they can be afforded cheap, therefore they have a ready 
market, while ours that are finer, but dearer, may rot in the 
ware-house ? What says our Russia Company ? Has not 
Prussia supplanted us in the clothing of the Muscovite army? 
Who is ignorant of the extensiveness of the undertaking at 
Abbeville in Picardy ? We are sending some armed sloops 
to check the Irish, but who will restrain the French and 
Germans? The multitude do not much value the fineness of 
their garments, they only desire to be warm ; it is the cloth- 
ing of the millions that produces millions of money ; and 
this is what other countries will certainly have their share in. 

Is not this a time to cast our eyes upon our natural wealth, 
and to augment it as fast as possible ? If Muscovy supplies 
its own woollen goods, or is supplied by any other foreigner, 
it ought to make us resolve to bring our naval stores from 
North America ; if Spain and Italy refuse our drapery, we 

Provinces of South Carolina and Georgia. 77 

may reject their silk, their raisins, oil, wine, olives, and clivers 
other merchandizes, and be supplied from Carolina and 
Georgia. I have been credibly informed that a gentleman, 
now living in this kingdom, was the first person who made 
pitch in America, about thirty years ago ; the people whom 
he conversed with then, looked on his experiment as a 
chimera, but it has proved so real as to reduce that commo- 
dity, I think, four-fifths in its value: so thaj; we may now buy 
for twenty pounds what was formerly worth a hundred pound. 

France has not the same advantage as Great Britain in 
its situation, for maritime affairs : That country is extended 
wide within land, and has not the benefit of being penetra- 
ted by many deep creeks, or navigable rivers ; on half its 
borders it is bounded with the continent ; and the good har- 
bors of France are but few, compared with the numbers of 
ours. These reasons of our superiority over them in mari- 
time affairs in general, served to prevent their increasing in 
North America as fast as we did, and there is another spe- 
cial reason, viz.. We have had the navigation of North 
America in us by the large traffic of our early settlements, 
and even of the French sugar colonies, which w^e supply 
with lumber, horses and provisions. We have five souls on 
the continent for one of theirs ; their principal settlement is 
in a climate too cold and not very fruitful. And yet they 
contrive all imaginable methods of augmenting their num- 
bers. They intermarry with the natives and convert them ; 
and the French king supplies two thousand persons yearly 
with money to enable them to go thither, without being 
afraid that he shall drain his country of people. 

It is easy to demonstrate that we can aflford to send peo- 
ple abroad better than France and Spain. They have in 
each of those kingdoms more than one hundred thousand 
cloistered females, not permitted to propagate their species, 
and the number of males in a state of celibacy is still abund- 
antly greater as it comprehends their secular and regular 
clergy, and a considerable part of their great armies who re- 
solve against marriage, because of the uncomfortable pros- 
pects they have, with regard to their progeny. It may be 
said indeed, that these do not marry, yet many of them get 
children. But it must be admitted that the usual fate of that 
kind of propagation is to be destroyed secretly, either before, 
or after the birth ; and the former of these crimes frequently 
procures barrenness in the woman. I have entered into the 

78 A JVew and Accurate Account^ 8^'c. 

consideration of the loss by the celibacy of their males, that 
nobody may imagine the computation of their deficiencies 
should be made upon their cloistered females only. 

And yet let us take a short view of their losses upon that 
calculation, allowing a monk, or a priest, for an husband to 
each immured woman. The most exact rules in this kind 
of arithmetic are as follows: 

1st. The people who go on in an ordinary course of pro- 
pagation and morality, and are not visited with some extra- 
ordinary destructive calamity, grow double in their number 
in one hundred years. 

2d. Thirty-three years, are a sufficient allowance for a 
generation, or three generations to an hundred years. Now, 
since the Reformation, near two hundred years are elapsed, 
at which time celibacy was abolished in England. 

Therefore, in that time France has lost more than five 
generations, principal of its inhabitants, at the rate of two 
hundred thousand in each generation, besides the accumu- 
lated numbers of cent per cent, for each hundred years, which 
loss must be reckoned upon the second century as interest 
upon interest; so that the two hundred thousand individual 
persons who were under the vow in France, an hundred and 
eighty years ago, will twenty years hence be a negative upon 
their numbers to the value of eight hundred thousand people. 

They who understand a little arithmetic, may divert them- 
selves by computing the amount of- all the parts of this loss 
of people in the five generations : to those who do not relish 
numbers, I fear, I have here and elsewhere* been too tedious. 

My aim in this chapter is to rectify the notions of some of 
my countrymen, upon an affair so important as our com- 
merce ; to point out the differences between a natural and an 
artificial trade ; to instance them in our neighbors compared 
with ourselves ; to show the industry of the French to rival 
us in America, in spite of their geography and their reli- 
gion ; and to inculcate that our strength depends on our 
shipping, and our shipping on our wide extended colonies, 
which have neither gold nor silver, and for that very reason, 
confirm us the more powerfully in the dominion of the seas. 

If what has been offered to the public in the foregoing 
sheets meets a favorable reception, the author will add some 
farther observations hereafter on the same subject. At 
present he only wishes that any thing here laid down, 
whether fact or observation, may be of use to Great Britain. 




^n Account of the Settling the Town of Fredericay in the 
Southern Part of the Province ; and a descrip- 
tion of the Soil, Air, Birds, Beasts, Trees, 
Rivers, Islands, Sfc. 


The Rides and Orders mads by the Honorable the Trustees 
for that Settlement, including the Allowances of 
Provisions, Clothing, and other JYeces^ 
saries to the Families and Ser- 
vants which went thither. 


A Description of the Town and County of Savannah, in the 

JVorthern Part of the Province ; the manner of dividing 

and granting the Lands, and the Improvements 

there : With an Account of the Air, Soil, 

Rivers and Islands in that Part. 





The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia, in 
America, ordered a new town to be built in that colony, and 
an embarkation to be made for that purpose. They were 
pleased to appoint me to be keeper of the stores. 
, The following rules were given for the embarkation, viz. : 

Rules for the year 1735. 

"The Trustees intend this year to lay out a county, and 
build a new town in Georgia. 

"They will give to such persons as they send upon the 
charity, To every man, a watch-coat ; a musket and bayonet ; 
a hatchet ; a hammer ; a handsaw ; a shod shovel or spade ; a 
broad hoe ; a narrow hoe ; a gimlet ; a drawing knife ; an 
iron pot, and a pair of pot-hooks ; a frying pan ; and a pub- 
lic grindstone to each ward or village. Each working man 
will have for his maintenance in the colony for one year (to 
be delivered in such proportions, and at such times as the 
Trust shall think proper) 312 lbs. of beef or pork; 104 lbs. 
of rice ; 104 lbs. of Indian corn or peas ; 104 lbs. of flour; 
1 pint of strong beer a day to a man when he works and not 
otherwise; 52 quarts of molasses for brewing beer; 16 lbs. 
of cheese; 12 lbs, of butter; 8 oz. of spice ; 12 lbs. of su- 
gar; 4 gallons of vinegar; 24 lbs. salt; 12 quarts of lamp 
oil, and 1 lb. spun cotton ; 12 lbs. of soap. 

" To the mothers, wives, sisters or children of such men for 
one year, that is to say, to every person of the age of 12 
years and upwards, the following allowance, (to be delivered 
as before,) 260 lbs. of beef or pork ; 104 lbs. of rice ; 104 lbs. 
of Indian corn or peas; 104 lbs. of flour; 52 quarts of mo- 
lasses for brewing beer ; 16 lbs. of cheese ; 12 lbs. of butter; 
8 oz. of spice; 12 lbs. of sugar; 4 gallons of vinegar; 24 
lbs. of salt ; 6 quarts of lamp oil ; half lb. of spun cotton ; 
12 lbs. of soap. 

A Voyage to Georgia. 81 

" For every person above the age of seven, and under 
the age of twelve, half the said allowance, being esteemed 
half a head. 

"And for every person above the age of two, and under 
the age of seven, one third of said allowance, being es- 
teemed one third of an head. 

" The trustees pay their passage from England to Geor- 
gia ; and in the voyage they will have in every week four 
beef days, two pork days, and one fish day ; and their 
allowance served out daily as follows : 

"O/i the four beef days. — Four pounds of beef for every 
mess of five heads, and two pounds and a half of flour, and 
half a pound of suet or plums. 

" On the two pork days, for every five heads, five pounds 
of pork, and two pints and a half of peas. 

"And on the fish day, for every five heads, (the whole at 
sixteen ounces to the pound) two pounds and a half of 
fish, and half a pound of butter. 

" And allow each head seven pounds of bread of fourteen 
ounces to the pound, by the week, and three pints of beer, 
and two quarts of water (whereof one of the quarts for drink- 
ing, and the other for dressing the ship provisions) each 
head, by the day for the space of a month ; and a gallon of 
water (whereof two quarts for drinking, and the other two 
for dressing the ship provisions) each head, by the day after, 
during the voyage. 

" The said persons are to enter into the following cove- 
nants before their embarkation, viz. 

"That they will repair on board such ship as shall be 
provided for carrying them to the Province of Georgia ; and 
during the voyage will quietly, soberly and obediently de- 
mean themselves, and go to such place in the said Province 
of Georgia, and there obey all such orders as shall be given 
for the better settling, establishing and governing the said 

"That for the first twelve months from landing in the said 
Province of Georgia they will work and labor in clearing 
their lands, making habitations and necessary defences, and 
in all other works for the common good and public weal of 
the said colony ; at such times, in such manner, and accord- 
ing to such plan and directions as shall be given. 

" And that they, from and after the expiration of the said 


82 A Voyage to Georgia. 

last mentioned twelve months, will, during the two succeed- 
ing years, abide, settle, and inhabit in the said Province of 
Georgia, and cultivate the lands which shall be to them and 
their heirs male severally allotted and given, by all such 
ways and means, as according to their several abilities and 
skills they shall be best able and capable. And such 
persons are to be setded in the said colony, either in new 
towns, or new villages. Those in the towns will have each 
of them a lot of sixty feet in front, and ninety feet in depth, 
whereon they are to build an house, and as much land in 
the country, as in the whole shall make up fifty acres. 

" Those in the villages will have each of them a lot of 
fifty acres, which is to lie all together, and they are to build 
their house upon it. 

" All lots are granted in tail male, and descend to the 
heirs male of their bodies forever. And in case of failure 
of heirs male to revert to the Trust, to be granted again to 
such persons, as the common council of the Trustees shall 
think most for the advantage of the colony ; and they will 
have a special regard to the daughters of freeholders who 
have made improvements on their lots, not already provided 
for, by having married, or marrying persons in possessions, 
or entitled to lands in the Province of Georgia, in possession, 
or remainder. 

"All lots are to be preserved separate and undivided, and 
cannot be united, in order to keep up a number of men 
equal to the number of lots, for the better defence and sup- 
port of the colony. 

" No person can lease out his house or lot to another, 
without license for that purpose, that the colony may not be 
ruined by absentees receiving, and spending their rents 
elsewhere. Therefore each man must cultivate the same 
by himself or servants. 

" And no person can alienate his land, or any part, or any 
term, estate, or interest therein, to any other person, or per- 
sons without special license for that purpose ; to prevent the 
uniting or dividing the lots. 

" If any of the land so granted shall not be planted, 
cleared or fenced with a worm fence or pales six feet high, 
during the space of ten years from the date of the grant ; 
then every part thereof not planted, cleared, or fenced as 
aforesaid, shall belong to the Trust, and the grant, as to such 
parts shall be void. 

Jl Voyage to Georgia, 83 

" There is reserved for the support of the colony, a rent- 
charge forever of two shillings sterling money for each fifty 
acres ; the payment of which is not to commence until ten 
years after the grant. 

" The wives of the freeholders, in case they should sur- 
vive their husbands, are, during their lives, entitled to the 
mansion-house and one half of the lands improved by their 
husbands ; that is to say, inclosed with a fence of six feet high. 

" All forfeitures for non-residence, high treason, felonies, 
&c. are to the Trustees for the use and benefit of the colony. 
Negroes and rum are prohibited to be used in the said co- 
lony ; and trade with the Indians, unless licensed. None are 
to have the benefit of being sent upon the Charity in the man- 
ner abovementioned ; but, 

" 1. Such as are in decayed circumstances, and thereby 
disabled from following any business in England ; and who, 
if in debt, must have leave from their creditors to go. 

" 2. Such as have numerous families of children, if assisted 
by their respective parishes and recommended by the minis- 
ter, churchwardens and overseers thereof. 

" The Trustees do expect to have a good character of the 
said persons given ; because no drunkards, or other noto- 
riously vicious persons will be taken. 

" And for the better enabling the said persons to build the 
new town, and clear their lands, the Trustees will give leave 
to every freeholder to take over with him one male servant, 
or apprentice of the age of eighteen years and upwards, to 
be bound for not less than four years ; and will, by way of 
loan to such freeholder, advance the charges of passage for 
such servant or apprentice, and of furnishing him with the 
clothing and provision hereafter mentioned, to be delivered 
in such proportions, and at such times as the Trust shall think 
proper ; viz. with a pallias and bolster, and blanket for bed- 
ding ; a frock and trowsers of linsey-woolsey ; a shirt and 
frock and trowsers of Osnaburgs ; a pair of shoes from Eng- 
land, and two pair of country shoes, for clothing ; and 200 
pounds of meat, and 342 pounds of rice, peas, or Indian 
corn for food for a year. 

" The expense of which passage, clothing and provision, is 
to be repaid the Trustees by the master within the third 
year from their embarkation from England. 

" And to each man servant, and the heirs male of his body 
forever, after the expiration of his service, upon a certificate 

84 A Voyage to Georgia. 

from his master of his having served well, will be granted 
twenty acres of land, under such rents and agreements as 
shall have been then last granted to any other men-servants 
in like circumstances. 

" Provided, that in case any person shall disobey such 
orders as they shall receive, a deduction shall be made of the 
whole, or any part of the above provisions." 

Signed by order of the Common Council of the Trustees 
for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, this se- 
cond day of July, 1735. 

Benjamin Martyn, Secretary. 

The Trustees examined at their office such persons as 
applied to them for the benefit of the Charity, and out of them 
chose those who had the best characters, and were the truest 
objects of compassion. 

They acquainted those that they had chosen, that they 
must expect to go through great hardships in the beginning, 
and use great industry and labor, in order to acquire after- 
wards a comfortable subsistence for themselves and families; 
that they gave them lands, and a year's provisions, but that 
those lands were uninhabited woods ; that they must lie 
without cover till they could build houses for themselves, 
live upon salt meat, drink water, work hard, keep guard for 
fear of enemies, clear and plant ground before they could 
reap any harvest ; that the country was hot in summer, and 
that there were flies in abundance, and that thunder storms 
were frequent in that season ; that sicknesses were danger- 
ous to those who drank distilled liquors, and that temperance 
was not only necessary to preserve their substance, but their 
health also ; that if they put their trust in God, and were 
temperate and industrious, they might establish themselves 
and families in a comfortable way upon lands of their own ; 
but if they thought they should not be able to go through 
those difficulties, they advised them by no means to under- 
take the voyage. 

Several were disheartened, which discovered that they had 
pleaded necessity without reason, and that they were able 
to live in England. The places of those who were deterred 
from going were filled up with others ; for there were a great 
many more petitioned to go than there was room for. Be- 
sides the English, there were a number of persecuted Ger- 
man Prostestants, under the conduct of Mr. Vonreck and 

Jl Voyage to Georgia. 85 

Captain Hermsdorf. The whole embarkation, English and 
foreigners, together with the Missionaries to the Indians, 
amounted to two hundred and twenty-seven heads, making 
two hundred and two people upon the Trust's account, be- 
sides Mr. Oglethorpe, the gentlemen with him, and his ser- 
vants, whose passages he himself paid. 

There were two ships freighted, the Symond, of two 
hundred and twenty tons. Captain Joseph Cornish, and the 
London Merchant, about the same burden, Captain John 
Thomas. There was a sufficient quantity of provisions for 
some months put on board, likewise arms, cannon, ammuni- 
tion, and all kinds of tools for husbandry, and necessaries for 

One of his Majesty's sloops, under the command of Capt. 
James Gascoigne, was ordered to assist the colony, and 
to carry over Mr. Oglethorpe, who intended to inspect the 
setdement ; but he chose rather to go on board one of the 
ships, though crowded with the colony, that he might be 
able to take care of the people in their passage. 

On the 14th of October I set out from Parliament stairs; 
about four in the afternoon I arrived at Poorfleet, where I 
dined and staid during the flood ; after which I reached 
Gravesend about midnight. There I lay, and the next day 
went on board the Symond, Capt. Joseph Cornish, where 
the passengers upon the Trust's account had been for some 
days. I immediately took an account of the stores. 

On the 19th a boy, as he was playing, fell overboard : a 
man being near him and seeing him fall, threw him a rope, 
and he got in again. We waited for the coming down of 
the London Merchant. 

On the 20th the London Merchant, Capt. John Thomas, 
with part of the colony on board, joined us at Gravesend. I 
W'ent and took an account of her cargo. The same day Mr. 
Oglethorpe, with Mr. Johnson, son of the late Governor of 
South Carolina, and several other gentlemen, who intended 
to accompany him in the voyage, came on board. In the 
afternoon we weighed and went down to the Hope. 

On the 21st we sailed from the Hope, and got within 
three miles of the Buoy of the Nore. 

On the 23d a thick fog came upon us. We made shift 
to get to the Buoy of the Nore, and anchored on the Kent- 
ish Flats, being not able to proceed farther. 

86 A Voyage to Georgia. 

On the 25th it blew fresh against us, and we got but little 

On the 26th, early in the morning, we arrived at the 
Horse Shoe Hole, where we anchored for some time, and 
then setting sail we got to Margate Road. 

On the 27th we arrived at Deal, and were forced to come 
to an anchor, in the Downs. We set on shore a servant be- 
longing to one of the colony, it being discovered that he had 
the itch. 

On the 28th it blew hard against us. The same day died 
a child of eight months old, being daughter to one of the 
colony. She was dangerously ill when she came on board. 

On the 30th the wind continued to blow hard ; but Mr. 
Oglethorpe insisting wdth the Captains to sail, we ventured 
out, and found the wind less and more favorable at sea. 

On the 1st of November we put into St. Helen's, in order 
to meet the man-of-war whom we expected to be ready. It 
being near night the ships came to anchor, and a gentleman 
was sent to Spithead to inquire after the man-of-war. He 
returned about midnight with advice that she was in Ports- 
mouth harbor, and not yet ready. 

On the 2d the ships sailed for Cowes road, and Mr. 
Oglethorpe went to the man-of-war sloop. As the ships 
passed by Spithead they saluted the Admiral's ship, which 
she returned. 

We were detained at Cowes by contrary winds, till the 
10th of December; for though we twice broke ground, and 
once sailed as far as Yarmouth road, yet we were forced 
back again. This delay was not only very tedious to the 
people, but very expensive to the Trust ; since there were so 
many hundred mouths eating, in idleness, that which should 
have subsisted them till their lands were cultivated ; and 
that they were also losing the most useful season for that 

In this time the refreshments designed for the voyage 
were expended, and we were forced to lay in more at an 
excessive price, by reason that the squadron at Spithead had 
made every thing dear. 

Mr. Johnson, son to the late Governor of South Carolina, 
was taken ill here of a fever, which prevented his going the 
voyage. This was a great disappointment ; for if he had 
gone to Carolina, as intended, a man of his interest and good 

A Voyage to Geoi-gia. 87 

sense being at Charlestovvn, whilst Mr. Oglethorpe was at 
the southward, might have prevented the misunderstandings 
which afterwards happened. 

On the 10th of December the wind at E. S. E. and a 
moderate gale, we, in company with the Hawk, the London 
Merchant, and about forty sail more, who had been forced 
to stay by the long continuance of contrary winds, stood out 
for sea. 

When we had past the Needles the pilot left us. The 
London Merchant lay by a little for three of the passengers, 
who happened to be gone to Portsmouth when the wind 
came fair ; but it was all to no purpose, for they not coming 
up in time, were left behind. 

On the 12th we parted with the Haw'k, the wind blowing 
very hard. 

I believe a journal of the winds and days of the month 
will be but dry to the reader, and that it may divert him 
more to hear which way our floating colony w^ere subsisted 
and passed their time on board. 

We had prayers twice a day. The missionaries ex- 
pounded the Scriptures, catechized the children, and admin- 
istered the sacrament on Sundays ; but Mr. Oglethorpe 
shewed no discountenance to any for being of different per- 
suasions in religion. The Dissenters, of which there were 
many on board, particularly the Germans, sung psalms and 
served God in their own way. Mr. Oglethorpe had laid in 
a large quantity of live stock, and other refreshments, 
(though he himself seldom ate any but ship's provisions.) 
Not only the gentlemen, his friends, ate at his table, but he 
invited, through the whole passage, the missionaiies and the 
captain of the ship, who together made twelve in number. 

All those who came upon the Trust's account were divided 
into messes ; and besides the ship's provisions, the Trustees 
were so careful of the poor people's health, that they put on 
board turnips, carrots, potatoes, and onions, which were 
given out with the salt meat, and contributed greatly to pre- 
vent the scurvy. The ship was divided into cabins, with 
gang-ways, which we call streets between them. The 
people were disposed into these by families ; the single men 
were put by themselves. Each cabin had its door and par- 
tition. Whenever the weather would permit, the ship was 
cleaned betw^een decks and washed with vinegar, which 

88 Jl Voyage to Georgia. 

kept the place very sweet aud healthy. There were con- 
stables appointed to prevent any disorders, and every thing 
was carried so easily, that during the whole voyage there 
was no occasion for punishing any one, excepting a boy who 
was whipped for stealing turnips. 

When the weather permitted, the men were exercised 
with small arms. There were also thread, worsted, and 
knitting needles given to the women, who employed their 
leisure time in making stockings and caps for their family, 
or in mending their clothes and linen. 

Mr. Oglethorpe, when occasion offered, called together all 
those who were designed to be freeholders, recommended 
to them in what manner to behave themselves, acquainted 
them of the nature of the country, and how to settle it 

We went south as far as the nineteenth degree of north 
latitude, in order to fetch the trade winds, so that about 
Christmas it was as hot as in June. Our people grew 
sickly. Mr. Oglethorpe himself visited them constantly ; 
and when it was proper he let them have fowls for broth, 
and any refreshments of his own. We had a very good 
surgeon, and I observed that carduus vomits gave the sick 
great relief. If that did not do, bleeding, and some powders 
which the doctor gave, (which were chiefly either composi- 
tions of salt or wormwood, or testaceous powders) had such 
effect, that, by the blessing of God, not one soul died from 
the time we left the Downs to our arrival in Georgia. In- 
stead of lessening our number we increased it, for on the 
passage there were four children born. 

Whenever the weather was calm enough to permit it, Mr. 
Oglethorpe went on board the London Merchant, to see 
that the like care was taken of the people on board her, 
with whom we kept company all the way. 

Having run before the trade wind till we had got westing 
sufficient, and being as far south as twenty degrees, we 
were obliged to stand northwardly to fetch Georgia, which 
lies in the latitude of thirty-two, so that we had a second 
winter, for we found the weather cold as we came near the 
coast of Georgia. 

On the twenty-sixth of January it blew so hard, that we 
were obliged to lie to under a reefed mainsail. We shipped 
several seas, one of which filled the great cabin, though the 

A Voyage to Georgia. 89 

dead lights were up ; and another splitted our mainsail, which 
was quite new : we soon unbent it, and brought the ship to 
under her mizzen. 

On the 2d of February, at noon, we saw three sails 
standing E. N. E. We bore up to them, and soon after 
spoke with the Pompey, Captain Rowse, bound for London 
from Carolina. He lay by whilst Mr. Oglethorpe wrote let- 
ters to England, which he sent by him. 

On the 4th we found we had passed the stream of the 
Gulf of Florida. We sounded, and found ground with fifty 
fathom of line, being the banks of Georgia, which shoal gra- 
dually to shore, at that time about thirty leagues distant. In 
the evening we saw land, which proved to be the island of 
Tybee. We lay off and on all night. 

On the 5th we ran in, and made Tybee plain. Captain 
Dymond, of the Peter and James, came out to us in his boat, 
and brought a pilot with him. He carried us over the bar 
with the first of the flood, finding nineteen foot water in the 
shoalest part. We came to an anchor within Tybee. 

Mr. Oglethorpe went ashore to see what progress was 
made in the light house : he found the foundation had been 
piled but the brick-wofk not raised. The materials which 
he had left sawed at Savannah were brought down, but 
nothing set up. He had left one Blytheman, a carpenter, a 
very ingenious workman, in charge to build it, allowing him 
ten men for his assistance ; and fearing that if he left any one 
to control the carpenter, (who naturally must understand less 
of it) it might have prevented the work ; therefore he left it 
in the carpenter's charge, at his peril. Mr. Oglethorpe call- 
ing him to account for this scandalous neglect, he had no- 
thing to say in excuse, but that he had used the men in 
clearing away the trees, that the beacon might be the more 
conspicuous ; that a great deal of time had been taken up in 
piling the foundation, and in bringing down and landing the 
timber ; that he had made a great many more braces than at 
first had been thought necessary ; but that the chief reason 
of his delay arose from his men's not working ; that rum was 
so cheap in Carolina, from whence they easily got it, that one 
day's pay would make them drunk "for a week, and then 
they neither minded him nor any thing else. I heard Mr. 
Oglethorpe, after he returned to the ship, say, that he was 
in doubt whether he should prosecute the man, who is the 


90 A Voyage to Georgia. 

only one here able to finish the work, and thereby leave the 
work undone, and lose the materials, which were all ready ; 
or else forgive what was past, and have the beacon finished. 
He took the latter counsel, and agreed with him for a time 
certain, and a price certain, appointing Mr. Vanderplank to 
see that the work advanced according to the agreement : 
and not to pay but proportionably to what should be done. 
This beacon is twenty-five foot wide at bottom, ninety feet 
high, and ten foot wide at top It is of the best of pine, 
strongly timbered, raised upon, cedar piles, and brick-work 
round the bottom. It will be, when raised, of great service to 
all shipping, not only to those bound to this port, but also to 
Carolina ; for the land of all the coast, for some hundred 
miles, is so alike, being all low and woody, that a distinguish- 
ing mark is of great consequence. 

There is an Island called Peeper, lying in the mouth of 
the Savannah river, between which and Tybee there is a 
very good harbor. In the evening we came to anchor there, 
where lay the following ships : The Prince of Wales, Capt. 
Dunbar, the Two Brothers, Capt. Thomson, and the Peter 
and James, Capt. Dymond, who were all on the Trustee's 
account, with stores and men for the southward settlement, 
and obliged to stay on demurrage, by reason of our being 
unluckily delayed by contrary winds at Cowes. Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe employed all hands to discharge them, that he might 
stop the expense of demurrage as soon as possible. All the 
ships saluted Mr. Oglethorpe with their cannon on our com- 
ing to anchor ; after which, he sent an express to Charles- 
town, and to Lieut. Delegal, (who commanded the King's 
independent company at Port Royal) for the company to 
repair to St, Simon's. 

We learnt from Capt. Dunbar, who had brought over one 
hundred and seventy Highlanders, that Capt. Hugh Mackay 
was set out for the Altamaha river ; he being gone first with 
part of the men, and having left the families to follow after. 
— That there had been several reports spread among the 
Highlanders, by the sutlers who brought them provisions, 
that the Spaniards and Indians would certainly destroy 
them, notwithstanding which they went up. 

On the 6th, early, Mr. Oglethorpe set out for Savannah, 
but he first carried the people on shore upon Peeper island, 
and shewed them where to dig a well, which they did, and 

A Voyage to Georgia. 91 

found a plenty of fresh water. He was received at Savan- 
nah by the freeholders under arms, and under the salute of 
twenty-one cannons, which we heard plainly, being about 
ten miles distance. 

After Mr. Oglethorpe was gone to Savannah, most of the 
colony went ashore upon Peeper island, where I found an 
eagle's nest on a fir tree ; we cut it down, and found an 
egg in it, in which was a young eagle. In the evening 
the people found another spring, and also a pond of fresh 
water, which they used for washing their linen. A small 
sloop passed by us for Savannah, bound thither with pro- 
visions from Carolina. 

On the 7th all our women went ashore on Peeper island 
to wash their linen. A boat came down from Savannah 
with some fresh beef, pork, venison, and other refreshments, 
sent by Mr. Oglethorpe for the people on board this ship 
and the London Merchant. In the evening we had a smart 
shower of rain, which wetted our good women to the skins, 
before they could get aboard. 

On the 8th some boats with sutlers came on board with 
provisions to sell to the passengers. They privately brought 
some rum ; which being discovered, the officers who were 
left by Mr. Oglethorpe to keep orders on board, during his 
absence, ordered the same to be staved ; which was accord' 
ingly complied with. The boat returned which had been 
sent to Port Royal, with answer, that the refreshments which 
had been bespoke from England, for the use of the colony, 
were not ready. She immediately proceeded up to Savan- 
nah, having packets of letters for Mr. Oglethorpe, who in 
the evening returned from thence in a scout boat. This 
was a strong built, swift boat, with three swivel guns and ten 
oars, kept for the visiting the river passages, and islands, and 
for preventing the incursions of enemies, or runaways, from 
whence it is called scout-boat. The crew is composed of 
men bred in America, bold and hardy, who lie out in the 
woods and upon the water months together, without a 
house or covering. Most of them are good hunters or fish- 
ers. By killing deer and other game they can subsist them- 
selves, in case their provisions should fail ; but indeed on 
these sea-islands, no one can starve, since if at the worst, a 
man was lost, there are oysters and shell-fish enough to 
subsist him. 

92 A Voyage to Georgia. 

Mr. Oglethorpe brought with him fresh meat, and other 
refreshments in plenty, which he distributed to the new 
comers, consisting of fresh beef, fresh pork, venison, wild 
turkeys, soft bread, (the word soft is put to distinguish it 
from biscuit, because at sea they call biscuit bread,) strong 
beer, small beer, turnips and garden greens; and this in 
such plenty that there was enough for the whole colony for 
some days. This was doubly agreeable to the colony, both 
because they found the comfort of fresh food after a long 
voyage, and also that a town begun within these three years, 
by people in their own circumstances, could produce such 
plenty ; from whence they hoped themselves should be in 
as good or better a condition within that time. The people 
were not a little surprised at the news, which came by the 
boat, that Mr. Vonreck and the Germans did not go to the 
southward with them. This is the more extraordinary, be- 
cause Mr. Vonreck said, that he went up to Ebenezer to 
get some more men from thence, who are acquainted with , 
the colony, to increase the strength of the new town. But 
this did not daunt our inhabitants (that were to be) of Fred- 
erica, (for so our town was to be called,) though to be sure, 
the losing half our number was a great lessening of our 
strength. The reason we heard he gave for the Germans 
going up to Ebenezer and not with us, was, that they might 
have the benefit of the two ministers, who were settled at 
Ebenezer, and that they might not divide the congregation. 
Others of the Germans did not care to go to the southward, 
because, they said, fighting was against their religion, and 
they apprehended blows might happen there. But Captain 
Hermsdorf came to Mr. Oglethorpe, and desired that he 
might be put upon every occasion of service, if there was 
any, and that he would never forsake him, but serve with 
the English to the last. Mr. Oglethorpe told him that the 
stories of war were quite groundless ; that there was as little 
danger to the southward, as to the northward ; that the 
Indians were at friendship with us, and the Spaniards at 
peace ; and that as we would not molest them it was not to 
be supposed that they would break the peace and attack us. 
Yet still caution was the mother of safety, and therefore it 
was fitting to keep the men to arms and discipline ; and for 
that purpose he should be glad of his assistance. 

It was intended when we came from London, that these 

A Voyage to Georgia. 93 

two ships should have sailed into Jekyl sound, and have 
landed the colony, and all the stores, at the place where the 
town was to be built ; and for this purpose, there had been 
an agreement made to pay demurrage for the loss of time 
there. The Captains did not care to venture down, and 
gave many reasons. Captain Cornish perceiving the great 
damage that must arise to the Trust by their ships not going 
down, proposed that if Mr. Oglethorpe would send down 
Captain Yokely with the James, to discover the channel, they 
would go down, and in, he piloting of them. Captain Thomas 
agreed to the same proposal, and Mr. Oglethorpe accordingly 
agreed with Captain Yokely. 

Mr. ©glethorpe seemed very uneasy at their not going to 
Frederica at once, but did not care to force them ; the words 
of the agreement being not quite clear, and there was no 
sworn pilot, who could take charge of the ships in ; for one 
Miller, the pilot who had surveyed that entry by Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe's order, was gone from Savannah before his arrival ; 
and Kilbury, another pilot, who knew the same, was dead, 
and the man-of-war was not yet arrived, whom we depended 
upon to have gone in first. 

Mr. Oglethorpe spoke to the people to prevent their being 
terrified with false reports. There seemed to be little need 
of it, for they were all zealous to settle a town of their own, 
and trusting entirely to him, were not at all apprehensive of 
any danger, but were fearful of staying and losing their time 
at Savannah. 

After three hours stay, he set out for Savannah and took 
me along with him. About midnight we arrived there, but 
being then high-water, and the German ministers who were 
to go with him to Ebenezer, not caring to go by night, he 
could not go forward as he intended, some of the boatmen 
being ill, and the freshes strong. He lay that night at a 
house which he hires at Savannah ; it is the same as the 
common freeholders' houses are, a frame of sawed timber 
twenty-four by sixteen foot, floored with rough deals, the 
sides with feather-edged boards unplaned, and the roof 

On the 9th, I heard that the Saltzburghers at Ebenezer 
were very discontended ; that they demanded to leave their 
old town, and to settle upon the lands which the Indians had 
reserved for their own use ; and this was the occasion of Mr. 

94 A Voyage to Georgia. 

Oglethorpe's going up in such haste at a time when he could 
be ill spared from the ships. He set out this morning tide, 
with several gentlemen, and the Saltzburghers' ministers, and 
went by water to Sir Francis Bathurst's, where part of Cap- 
tain Mackay's troops of horsemen, lately come out of the 
Indian country, lay : there he took horse for Ebenezer. 

When he was gone, I took a view of the town of Savan- 
nah. It is about a mile and a quarter in circumference ; it 
stands upon the flat of a hill, the bank of the river (which 
they in barbarous English call a bluff) is steep and about 
forty-five foot perpendicular, so that all heavy goods are 
brought up by a crane, an inconvenience designed to be 
remedied by a bridged wharf, and an easy ascent, ^hich in 
laying out the town, care was taken to allow room for, there 
being a very wide strand between the first row of houses 
and the river. From this strand there is a very pleasant 
prospect ; you see the river wash the foot of the hill, which 
is a hard, clear, sandy beach, a mile in length ; the water is 
fresh, and the river one thousand foot wide. Eastward you 
see the river increased by the northern branch, which runs 
round Hutchinson's island, and the Carolina shore beyond 
it, and the woody islands at the sea, which close the pros- 
pect at ten or twelve miles distance. Over against it is 
Hutchinson's island, great part of which is open ground, 
where they mow hay for the Trust's horses and catde. The 
rest is woods in which there are many bay trees eighty foot 
high. Westward you see the river winding between the 
woods, with little islands in it for many miles, and Toma Chi 
Chi's Indian town standing upon the southern banks, be- 
tween three and four miles distance. 

The town of Savannah is built of wood ; all the houses 
of the first forty freeholders are of the same size with that 
Mr. Oglethorpe lives in, but there are great numbers built 
since, I believe one hundred or one hundred and fifty, many of 
these are much larger ; some of two or three stories high, 
the boards plained and painted. The houses stand on large 
lots, sixty foot in front by ninety foot in depth ; each lot has 
a fore and back street to it ; the lots are fenced in with split 
pales ; some few people have palisades of turned wood be- 
fore their doors, but the generality have been wise enough 
not to throw away their money, which in this country laid 
out in husbandry is capable of great improvements, though 

A Voyage to Georgia. 95 

there are several people of good substance in the town, who 
came at their own expense, and also several of those who 
came over on the Charity, are in a very thriving way ; but 
this is observed that the most substantial people are the most 
frugal, and make the least show, and live at the least expense. 
There are some also who have made but little or bad use of 
the benefits they received, idling away their times, whilst 
they had their provisions from the public store, or else work- 
ing for hire, earning from two shillings, the price of a laborer, 
to four or five shillings, the price of a carpenter, per diem, 
and spending that money in rum and good living, thereby 
neglecting to improve their lands, so that when their time of 
receiving their piovisions from the public ceased, they were 
in no forwardness to maintain themselves out of their own 
lands. As they chose to be hirelings when they might have 
improved for themselves, the consequence of that folly forces 
them now to w'ork for their daily bread. These are gene- 
rally discontented with the country ; and if they have run 
themselves in debt, their creditors will not let them go away 
till they have paid. Considering the number of people, there 
are but very few of these. The industrious ones have throve 
beyond expectation ; most of them that have been there three 
years, and many others have houses in the town, which those 
that let, have for the worst ten pounds per annum, and the 
best for thirty pounds. 

Those who have cleared their five acre lots, have made a 
very great profit out of them by greens, roots, and corn. 
Several have improved the cattle they had at first, and have 
now five or six tame cows ; others who, to save the trouble 
of feeding them, let them go into the woods, can rarely find 
them, and when they are brought up, one of them will not 
give half the quantity of milk, which another cow fed near 
home will give. Their houses are built at a pretty large dis- 
tance from one another, for fear of fire ; the streets are very 
wide, and there are great squares left at proper distances, 
for markets and other conveniences. Near the river side 
there -is a guard house inclosed with palisades a foot thick 
where there are nineteen or twenty cannons mounted, and a 
continual guard kept by the freeholders. This town is go- 
verned by three bailiffs, and has a recorder, register, and a 
town-court, which is holden every six weeks, where all mat- 
ters civil and criminal are decided by grand and petty juries, 

96 Jl Voyage to Georgia. 

as in England ; but there are no lawyers allowed to plead for 
hire, nor no attorneys to take money, but (as in old times in 
England) every man pleads his own cause. In case it should 
be an orphan, or one that cannot speak for themselves, there 
are persons of the best substance in the town, appointed by 
the Trustees to take care of the orphans, and to defend the 
helpless, and that without fee or reward, it being a service 
that each that is capable must perform in his turn. They 
have some laws and customs peculiar to Georgia ; one is, 
that all brandies and distilled liquors are prohibited under 
severe penalties ; another is, that no slavery is allowed, nor 
negroes ; a third that all persons who go among the Indians 
must give security for their good behavior ; because the In- 
dians, if any injury is done to them, and they cannot kill the 
man who does it, expect satisfaction from the government, 
which if not procured, they break out into war, by killing the 
first white man they conveniently can. No victualler or ale- 
house keeper can give any credit, so consequently cannot 
recover any debt. The freeholds are all entailed, which has 
been very fortunate for the place. If people could have sold, 
the greatest part, before they knew the value of their lots, 
would have parted with them for a trifling condition, and there 
were not wanting rich men who employed agents to mo- 
nopolize the whole town ; and if they had got numbers of 
lots into their own hands, the other freeholders would have 
had no benefit by letting their houses, and hardly of trade, 
since the rich, by means of a large capital, would underlet and 
undersell, and the town must have been almost without in- 
habitants, as Port Poyal in Carolina is, by the best lots being 
got into a few hands. 

The mentioning the laws and customs leads me to take 
notice that Georgia is founded upon maxims different from 
those on which other colonies have been begun. The inten- 
tion of that colony was an asylum to receive the distressed. 
This was the charitable design, and the governmental view 
besides that, was, with numbers of free white people, well 
settled to strengthen the southern part of the English settle- 
ments on the continent of America of which this is the fron- 
tier. It is necessary, therefore, not to permit slaves in such 
a country, for slaves starve the poor laborer. For if the 
gentleman can have this work done by a slave who is a car- 
penter or a brick-layer, the carpenter or brick-layers of that 

A Voyage to Georgia. 97 

country must starve for want of employment, and so of other 

In order to maintain many people, it was proper that the 
land should be divided into small portions, and to prevent 
the uniting them by marriage or purchase. For every time 
that two lots are united, the town loses a family, and the in- 
conveniency of this shows itself at Savannah, notwhhstand- 
ing the care of the Trustees to prevent it. They suffered 
the moiety of the lots to descend to the widows during their 
lives: those who remarried to men who had lots of their 
own, by uniting two lots made one be neglected ; for the 
strength of hands who could take care of one, was not suffi- 
cient to look to and improve two. These uncleared lots are 
a nuisance to their neighbors. The trees which grow upon 
them shade the lots, the beasts take shelter in them, and for 
want of clearing the brooks which pass through them, the 
lands above are often prejudiced by floods. To prevent all 
these inconveniences, the first regulation of the Trustees 
was a strict Agrarian law, by which all the lands near towns 
should be divided, fifty acres to each freeholder. The quan- 
tity of land by experience seems rather too much, since it is 
impossible that one poor family can tend so much land. If 
this allotment is too much, how much more inconvenient 
would the uniting of two be 7 To prevent it, the Trustees 
grant the lands in tail male, that on the expiring of a male 
hne they may regrant it to such man, having no other lot, as 
shall be married to the next female heir of the deceased, as 
is of good character. This manner of dividing prevents also 
the sale of lands, and the rich thereby monopolizing the 

Each freeholder has a lot in town sixty foot by ninety foot, 
besides which he has a lot beyond the common, of five acres 
for a garden. Every ten houses make a tithing, and to 
every tithing there is a mile square, which is divided into 
twelve lots, besides roads : each freeholder of the tithing has 
a lot or farm of forty-five acres there, and two lots are reserved 
by the Trustees in order to defray the charge of the public. 
The town is laid out for two hundred and forty freeholds ; 
the quantity of lands necessary for that number is twenty- 
four square miles ; every forty houses in town make a ward, 
to which four square miles in the country belong ; each ward 
has a constable, and under him four tithing men. Where 


98 Ji Voyage to Georgia. 

the town lands end, the villages begin ; four villages make a 
ward without, which depends upon one of the wards within 
the town. The use of this is, in case a war should happen, 
the villages without may have places in the town, to bring 
their cattle and families into for refuge, and to that purpose 
there is a square left in every ward, big enough for the out- 
wards to encamp in. There is ground also kept round about 
the town ungranted, in order for the fortifications whenever 
occasion shall require. Beyond the villages, commence lots 
of five hundred acres : these are granted upon terms of keep- 
ing ten servants, &c. Several gentlemen who have setded 
on such grants have succeeded very well, and have been of 
great service to the colony. Above the town is a parcel of 
land called Indian lands ; these are those reserved by king 
Toma Chi Chi for his people. There is near the town, to 
the east, a garden belonging to the Trustees, consisting of 
ten acres ; the situation is delightful, one half of it is upon the 
top of the hill, the foot of which the river Savannah washes, 
and from it you see the woody islands in the sea. The re- 
mainder of the garden is the side and some plain low ground 
at the foot of the hill, where several fine springs break out. 
In the garden is variety of soils ; the top is sandy and dry, 
the sides of the hill are clay, and the bottom is a black, rich 
garden mould well watered. On the north part of the gar- 
den is left standing a grove of part of the old wood, as it was 
before the arrival of the colony there. The trees in the grove 
are mostly bay, sassafras, evergreen oak, pellitory, hickory, 
American ash, and the laurel tulip. This last is looked upon 
as one of the most beaudful trees in the world ; it grows 
straight-bodied to forty or fifty foot high ; the bark smooth 
and whitish, the top spreads regular like an orange tree in 
English gardens, only larger; the leaf is like that of a com- 
mon laurel, but bigger, and the under side of a greenish 
brown ; it blooms about the month of June ; the flowers are 
white, fragrant like the orange, and perfume all the air around 
it ; the flower is round, eight or ten inches diameter, thick 
like the orange flower, and a little yellow near the heart. As 
the flowers drop, the fruit which is a cone with red berries 
succeeds them. There are also some bay trees that have 
flowers like the laurel, only less. 

The fgarden is laid out with cross-w^alks planted with 
orange trees, but the last winter, a good deal of snow having 

Jl Voyage to Georgia. 99 

fallen, had killed those upon the top of the hill down to their 
roots, but they being cut down sprouted again, as I saw 
^vhen I returned to Savannah. In the squares between the 
walks, were vast quantities of mulberry trees, this being a 
nursery for all the province, and every planter that desires it 
has young trees given him gratis from this nursery. These 
white mulberry trees were planted in order to raise silk, for 
which purpose several Italians were brought at the Trustees' 
expense, from Piedmont by Mr. Amatis ; they have fed 
worms, and wound silk to as great perfection as any that 
ever came out of Italy ; but the Italians falling out, one of 
them stole away the machines for winding, broke the cop- 
pers and spoiled all the eggs which he could not steal, and 
fled to South Carolina. The others who continued faithful, 
had saved but a few eggs when Mr. Oglethorpe arrived ; 
therefore he forbade any silk should be wound, but that all 
the worms should be suffered to eat through their balls, in 
order to have more eggs against next year. The Italian 
women are obliged to take English girls apprentices, whom 
they teach to wind and feed ; and the men have taught our 
English gardeners to tend the mulberry trees, and our join- 
ers have learned how to make the machines for winding. 
As the mulberry trees increase, there will be a great quan- 
tity of silk made here. 

Besides the mulberry trees, there are in some of the quar- 
ters in the coldest part of the garden all kinds of fruit trees 
usual in England, such as apples, pears, &c. In another 
quarter are olives, figs, vines, pomegranates and such fruits 
as are natural to the warmest parts of Europe. At the bot- 
tom of the hill, well sheltered from the north wind and in 
the warmest part of the garden, there was a collection of 
West India plants and trees, some coffee, some cocoa-nuts, 
cotton, Palma-christi, and several West Indian physical 
plants, some sent up by Mr. Eveleigh, a public-spirited mer- 
chant at Charlestown, and some by Dr. Houstoun, from the 
Spanish West Indies, where he was sent at the expense of 
a collection raised by that curious physician, Sir Hans Sloan, 
for to collect and send them to Georgia, where the climate 
w^as capable of making a garden which might contain all 
kinds of plants, to which design, his Grace, the Duke of 
Richmond, the Earl of Derby, the Lord Peters, and the 
Apothecary's Company contributed very generously ; as did 

100 Ji Voyage to Georgia. 

Sir Hans himself. The quarrels among the Italians proved 
fatal to most of these plants, and they were laboring to 
repair that loss when I was there, Mr. Miller being employed 
in the room of Dr. Houstoun, who died in Jamaica. We 
heard he had wrote an account of his having obtained the 
plant from whence the true Balsamum Capivi is drawn ; 
and that he was in hopes of getting that from whence the 
Jesuits' Bark is taken, he designing for that purpose to send 
to the Spanish West Indies. 

There is a plant of Bamboo cane brought from the East 
Indies, and sent over by Mr. Towers which thrives well. 
There was also some tea seeds, which came from the same 
place ; but the latter, though great care was taken, did not 

Three miles from Savannah, within land, that is to say to 
the south, are two pretty villages, Hampstead and Highgate, 
where the planters are very forward, having built neat huts, 
and cleared and planted a great deal of land. Up the river 
also there are several other villages and two towns, not much 
better than villages, on the Georgia side, the one called Jo- 
seph's town, which some Scotch gentlemen are building at 
their own expense, and where they have already cleared a 
great deal of ground. Above that is Ebenezer, a town of 
the Saltzburghers. On the Carolina side is Purysburgh, 
chiefly inhabited by Swiss. There are also a party of ran- 
gers under the command of Capt. McPherson, and another 
under the command of Capt. ^neas M'Intosh ; the one 
lying upon the Savannah river, the other upon the Ogee- 
chee. These are horsemen and patrol the woods to see 
that no enemy Indians, nor other lawless persons, shelter 
themselves there. 

There were no public buildings in the town, besides a 
storehouse ; for the courts were held in a hut thirty foot 
long, and twelve foot wide, made of split boards, and erected 
on Mr. Oglethorpe's first arrival in the colony. In this hut 
also divine service was performed ; but upon his arrival this 
time Mr. Oglethorpe ordered a house to be erected in the 
upper square, which might serve for a court house, and for 
divine service till a church could be built, and a work house 
over against it ; for as yet there was no prison here. 

Two ships lay close to the town, the James, Capt. Yoke- 
ly, in the Trustees' service, waiting for our arrival, (with pro- 

A Voyage to Georgia. 101 

visions) and another ship from Bristol, Capt. Dickens, com- 
mander, loaded with passengers. The water is not only 
deep, but thoroughly sheltered from hurricanes, and, being 
fresh, there are no worms, an advantage few ports have in 

On the 10th I went on board the Two Brothers, Capt. 
Thomson, and unloaded her, sending some part of her cargo 
up to Savannah store, and the remainder on board the 
James, Capt. Yokely, who on the unwillingness of the other 
ships, as before mentioned, Mr. Oglethorpe engaged to go 
and try the entrance of Jekyl sound, his ship being but 
about a hundred tons burden. 

On the 11th Mr. Oglethorpe returned from Ebenezer to 
Savannah, where he found Captain Yokely, not ready to 
sail. I heard that he had given leave to the Saltzburghers 
to remove from Old Ebenezer to a place called the Red 
Bluff, upon the river Savannah. Some people had infused 
such notions into them, that they were obstinately resolved 
to quit Old Ebenezer, where they had very good houses 
ready built, a pleasant situation, a fine range for cattle, and 
a good deal of ground cleared. Mr. Oglethorpe in vain ad- 
vised them against the change, and told them, that sickness 
would naturally follow the clearing a new town ; but they 
insisting, he granted their request. Mr. Oglethorpe, in this 
journey, pursuant to the Trustees' orders, and to save ex- 
pense, reduced Mr. Patrick Mackay's company that was 
come down from the Indian nation. He called at Purys- 
burgh, on his return from Ebenezer. 

On the 12th Mr. Oglethorpe went from Savannah down 
to the ships at Tybee, having first raised fifty rangers, and 
one hundred workmen, and sent Captain M'Pherson with a 
parcel of his rangers, over land to support the Highlanders 
on the Alatamaha river. These Highlanders under the com- 
mand of Captain Hugh Mackay, were settled on the Alta- 
maha river, within one mile and a half of where fort King- 
George formerly stood, and where His Majesty's independ- 
ent company had been garrisoned for several years. The 
want of supplies and communication with Carolina, obliged 
them 4;o abandon the garrison and destroy the fort. There- 
fore the first thing was to open a communication by land, 
that the like distress might not again happen. Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe ordered Mr. Walter Augustine and Mr. Tolme to 

102 A Voyage to Georgia. 

suvrey the country from Savannah to the Alatamaha, to 
know where a road might be most conveniently made, and 
appointed ^h\ Hugh Mackay, Jr. with ten rangers to escort 
them, and two pack horsemen to carry provisions for them. 
Toma Chi Chi also sent some Indians with them. 

On the 14th Toma Chi Chi, Scenauky his wife, Tooanna- 
ho\A i, his nephew, and several attendants, came down to visit 
^Ir. Oglethorpe on board the Symond, carrying with them 
venison, milk, honey, and other Indian refreshments. 

Toma Chi Chi acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe that he had sent 
up to the Creek nation notice of his arrival bv two chief 
men, who had staid on purpose for some months, they hav- 
ing so long expected him. That he had sent a party of In- 
dians to assist Capt. Mackay at the Darien : that the Uchee 
Indians complained that cattle were passed over into then* 
country, contrary to the capitulation ; and that planters had 
come and setded negroes there. Part of these cattle be- 
longed to the Saltzburghers, who had passed over the Ebe- 
nezer river into the Uchee lands ; and the rest, as also the 
nesrroes, belon2;ed to some of the inhabitants of South Caro- 
Una. Upon this the following orders were issued to Capt. 
iEneas ^NPIntosh : 

" Tybee Road, 1 4th Febniary, 1735-6. 
" Being informed by the Indians, that several persons, 
contrary to the treaties with them made, have carried over 
cattle and ne2:roes, and have planted on the Georgia side of 
the river : You are hereby authorized and required to give 
notice to the same persons to withdraw their horses, catde, 
and negroes, out of Georgia ; and if within three days they 
do not withdraw their negroes, you are to seize and bring 
the negroes to the town of Savannah, and deliver them to 
the magistrates there ; and proceeding shall be had if they 
leave theu- cattle beyond the said term. 

(Copy.) James Oglethorpe." 

This day Mr. Oglethorpe sent up the act, entided, An act 
for maintaining the peace with the Indians in the Province of 
Georgia, prepared by the honorable Trustees for establ^hing 
the colony of Georo:ia in America, and approved by his most 
excellent ^Majesty King George the lid in council, on the 3d 
day of April, in the year of our Lord 1 735, and in the eighth 

A Voyage to Georgia. 103 

year of his Majesty's reign to Savannah Town, (alias New 
Windsor) and from thence to every trader amongst the In- 
dians, and notice was given them to conform thereunto. 

Scenauky presented the missionaries two large jars, one of 
honey, and one of milk, and invited them to come up to their 
new town at Yamacraw, and teach the children there ; and 
told them that the honey and milk was a representation of 
their inclinations. The same evening, having done my busi- 
ness on board Captain Thomson, I went down to the ships 
in the scout boat. About midnight came to anchor at Tybee 
a sloop from New York, called the ]\lidnight, loaded with 

On the 15th Captain Yokely not being yet come down, 
Mr. Oglethorpe was much concerned at the delay, whiclr 
was of great damage to the poor people, who by not being 
on their lands, were losing the best season both for building 
and improving (which is the winter.) Besides, we were 
apprehensive that the Spanish Indians might undertake some- 
thing against "the Highlanders, if they were not strengthened ; 
wdio also might be uneasy at finding themselves not sup- 
ported ; and that the Spaniards themselves might perhaps 
take possession of the mouths of the harbors, and drive off 
and conquer the English Indians, who were then, and have 
long been in possession of those islands, and to whom they 
belonged for several ages. The danger of sickness, and 
damage of goods, besides the expense and hazard of send- 
ing the people in open boats, was very great ; and if no ves- 
sel lay in the entrance, if the Spaniards should come up with 
the smallest ship, they might entrench themselves under 
the shelter of the ship's cannon, in spite of all that the English 
Indians could do. Mr. Oglethorpe spoke to both the Cap- 
tains to go and anchor at the entrance of Jekyl sound, and 
go in with boats (which he would furnish and go with him- 
self) sound the bar and carry their ships in. They remon- 
strated the danger and impossibihty of merchant ships 
making discoveries. At last this expedient was thought of; 
to buy the cargo of the Midnight sloop, who arrived last 
night, on condition that she should go into Jekyl sound, and 
deliveft the cargo at Frederica in the Alatamaha. Captain 
Cornish and Captain Thomas consented to go board the 
sloop, and in her to try the entrance, and promised them 
to come back and carry their ships in, who, in the mean time, 

104 Jl Voyage to Georgia. 

would lie in safety in Tybee harbor. Mr. Oglethorpe agreed 
for the cargo ; the master of the sloop, one Barnes, being a 
brisk man and very willing to undertake the discovery of the 
entrance, seeing it was for the public service. Mr. Oglethorpe 
ordered Mr. Horton and Mr. Tanner, with thirty of the single 
men of the colony, on board the sloop, with cannon, arms, 
ammunition, and tools for entrenching, with whom Captain 
Cornish and Captain Thomas went down by sea to meet 
him at Frederica ; himself going down by the channels with- 
in the islands. Such diligence was used, that the sloop sailed 
by eight the next morning. Mr. Oglethorpe ordered from 
Savannah the workmen that he had engaged there ; also 
more Indians from Toma Chi Chi; and those Indians who 
were already down, to rendezvous at certain posts, where he 
might send for them as occasion should require. 

On the 16th, in the evening, Mr. Oglethorpe set out in the 
scout boat, through the inland channels to meet the sloop at 
Jekyl sound. He carried with him Capt. Hermsdorf, two of 
the colony, and some Indians. Capt. Dunbar also accompa- 
nied him with his boat. I was left with the ships, having 
charge of their cargoes. 

On the 1 7th Capt. Yokely came down to Tybee from Sa- 

On the 18th he began to take beef and other provisions 
out of Capt. Dymond, for Frederica ; and before he had 
completed his cargo, the wind came about so that he could 
not get out. 

Before Mr. Oglethorpe set out for the Southward, Lieu- 
tenant Delegal, who at that time commanded his Majesty's 
independent company at Port Royal, waited upon him, pur- 
suant to his letter, to acquaint him with the circumstances of 
the company, and what provisions would be necessary for 
their subsistence, and what boats for their embarkation, that 
company being ordered to St. Simons. 

A gendeman with letters to the Governor of Augustine, 
from the person charged with the King of Spain's affairs at 
the court of England, came over in the ship Symond. Mr. 
Oglethorpe, before hp went to Alatamaha, left orders with 
Major Richard of Purysburgh to conduct that gentleman in 
a six-oared boat, being the best then to be got, to Augus- 
tine : and also by the same occasion sent a letter to that 

Jl Voyage to Georgia. 105 

Mr. Spangenburg acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe, that several 
Germans with whom he had an influence were gone to 
Pennsylvania instead of Georgia, and that he would go 
thither and fetch them, to be an increase of strength to 
the colony. Mr. Oglethorpe told him, that he would not in- 
veigle any from another colony ; but if Mr. Penn, the propri- 
etor of that Province, was desirous they should come away, 
he was willing to receive them ; therefore he gave letters for 
Mr. Penn to Mr. Spangenburg. 

On the 19th, Major Richard set out for St. Augustine, 
with the gentleman for that place. 

Whilst Mr. Oglethorpe was absent, the colony that re- 
mained with us were employed, some in helping to build 
the Beacon at Tybee, and some in hunting and fishing ; 
they all went daily on shore to Peeper island, but none went 
up to Savannah, nor no boats came to them without license, 
for fear some unwary people should be drawn to spend what 
little they had in buying refreshments, and lest they should 
make themselves sick, by drinking drams and eating trash. 
They had plenty of fresh provisions and good beer provided 
for them, which made this restraint not inconvenient. They 
washed their linen and dressed their meat on shore with 
fires made of cedar and bay trees, which to people new 
come from England, seemed an extraordinary luxury. On 
the shore were oyster banks, dry at low water, where they 
took as many as they pleased, the oysters being very good. 

I observed here a kind of long moss I had never seen 
before ; it grows in great quantities upon the large trees, and 
hangs down three or four yards from the boughs ; it gives 
a noble, ancient, and hoary look to the woods ; it is of a 
whitish green color, but when dried is black and Hke horse- 
hair. This the Indians use for wadding their guns, and 
making their couches soft under the skins of beasts which 
serve them for beds. They use it also for tinder, striking 
fire by flashing the pans of their guns into a handful of it, 
and for all other uses where old linen would be necessary. 

On the 23d, Col. Bull, one of his Majesty's council in 
Carolina, arrived here in his own periagua, with letters from 
the Lieutenant Governor, Council and Assembly of that 
Province, for Mr. Oglethorpe. I offered him the ship's great 
cabin, and all provisions and necessaries, but he refused it, 
having himself a cabin fitted up with all conveniences aboard 


106 A Voyage to Georgia. 

his own periagua ; howsoever he did us the favor to dine 
on board. 

Nothing remarkable happened on board till Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe returned from the southward, which was on the 
25th, in the evening. I had from one who went along with 
him the following account. 

"The scout boat went along through channels, between 
the islands and the main ; these channels are in some places 
above a mile, and in others not above two hundred yards 
wide. In many places the woods of pines, evergreen oaks, 
and cedar trees grow close to the water side, which with the 
clear sea-green color and stillness of the channels, sheltered 
by the woods, is very delightful to the eye. In other places, 
on the banks, are wide marshes, so hard that cattle feed 
upon them, though at some of the very highest spring tides 
they are just covered with water. We passed between the 
island of Wilmington and the main ; upon the latter, we 
landed at one Mr. Lacy's, where five gentlemen of five hun- 
dred acre lots have built their houses together, that they 
might be the more easily fortified, which they are with pali- 
sades well flanked with several pieces of cannon. They 
with masters and servants make the garrison, and in all 
times of apprehension do regular duty ; one of the masters 
with proportion of servants, mounting guard each night. 
They have cleared above one hundred acres of land round 
the fort. They have milk, catUe, hogs, garden stuff, and 
poultry in such plenty, that they sent at different times sev- 
eral bushes of eggs down to Frederica. This fort com- 
mands the water passage between the islands to Savannah. 
It stands high, the banks of the river being about eighteen 
foot perpendicular from high water mark, the bottom is a 
clay mixed with iron stone, and is the only place an enemy 
can land at from the southward. It is but four miles from 
Savannah by land, though sixteen by water ; and the ridge 
of pine groves reaching all the way from the one to the 
other, it is passable for horses and carriages by going a little 
round about to follow the course of the open groves. Mr. 
Lacy has there set up potash works, and made some for 
trial, but finding that he could make more advantage of the 
same labor by sawing timber for the sugar islands, and split- 
ting staves for the Madera, he does not now go on with the 
potash, till he can have more strength of hands. Here we 

A Voyage to Georgia. 107 

met a boat from Savannah with workmen from the south- 
ward ; they were most of them Germans and Swiss, raised 
at Purysburgh ; the boat being full of men and heavy loaded, 
we outwent her. From this fort we saw the island of Skid- 
oway, being four miles distance down a wide channel ; we 
stopped at the northward most point of that island, where 
there is a village, a guard-house, and battery of cannon: the 
fi-eeholders of the island perform guard duty at the battery. 
The land of this island is very rich ; the inhabitants have 
cleared about thirty acres, but propose doing much more 
this year, since there will be settlements to the southward of 
them, for they have been much hindered by continual 
alarms. This island is about twelve miles long, and four 
wide. Leaving Skidoway on the left, and the mouths of 
Vernon and Ogeechee rivers on the right, we passed for- 
ward, and still kept through channels, as before, sometimes 
crossing wide sounds (for so the boatmen here call the 
gulfs of the sea which run into the land, and the entrances 
of the rivers.) There are three or four sounds to be passed, 
which in blowing weather are dangerous to those open boats. 
I believe where we passed, St. Catharine's is above two 
leagues wide. The tides of flood carried us up along side 
the islands, and the tides of ebb down to the sea. Mr. 
Oglethorpe being in haste, the men rowed night and day, 
and had no other rest than what they got when a snatch of 
wind favored us. They were all very willing, though we 
met with very boisterous weather. The master, Capt. Fer- 
guson, is perfectly acquainted with all the water passages, 
and in the darkest night never missed the way through the 
woods and marshes, though there are so many channels as 
to make a perfect labyrinth. The men vied with each other, 
who should be forwardest to please Mr. Oglethorpe. Indeed, 
he lightened their fatigue, by giving them refreshments, 
which he rather spared from himself than let them want. 
The Indians seeing the men hard labored, desired to take 
the oars, and rowed as well as any I ever saw, only differing 
from the others, by taking a short and long stroke alternately, 
which they called the Yamassee stroke. I found this was 
no new thing to the Indians, they being accustomed to row 
their own canoes, boats made out of a single tree hollowed, 
which they manage with great dexterity. 

108 A Voyage to Georgia. 

" When we came near the mouths of the Alatamaha, we 
met a boat with Mr. Mackay and Mr. Cuthbert (who is lieu- 
tenant of the Darien) coming from the Darien to Savannah. 
They were very agreeably surprised to find Mr. Oglethorpe 
on board us. They returned to Darien taking Captain Dun- 
bar with them, whilst we stood the shortest way to St. 
Simons. Mr. Cuthbert told us, that one of the Highlanders 
met with an orange tree full of fruit on Duboy's island ; he 
was charmed with the color, but could not get them by rea- 
son of the height of the tree, which was so full of thorns, 
that there was no climbing it, so he cut it down and gath- 
ered some dozens. 

"On the 18th in the morning we arrived at the island of 
St. Simons. We were ordered to look to our arms, new 
prime our swivel-guns, and make every thing ready for fear 
of accidents : we also landed the Indians, who soon met a 
party of their friends, who informed them a ship was come 
into St. Simons, but that they did not know what she was, 
nor would not speak to the people, having been ordered by 
their chief war captain, in case they saw any ship come in, 
not to shew themselves to them, but to watch the men if 
they landed, and not to hurt them, but to send him notice. 
That they had sent to him, he being upon Sapola island. 
We stood down one of the branches of the Alatamaha, close 
under the reeds, so as not to be seen till we fully discovered 
what they called a ship to be the Midnight sloop. They 
were very joyful at our arrival, and we also not a little pleased 
to hear that the captains of our ships said that they had 
found water enough to bring in their ships, excepting one 
place. That there was sixteen or seventeen fathom within 
the harbor; that the entrance was very easy, except one 
place on the bar, where they had found it shoaly by reason 
of a spit of sand, which they had not opportunity in coming 
in to try round, but would go down in the sloop, and the 
first calm day did not doubt finding a good channel round 
the spit. Mr. Horton, Mr. Tanner, and the men were all 
brisk, and in good health. Mr. Oglethorpe immediately set 
all hands to work, marked out a booth to hold the stores, 
digging the ground three foot deep, and throwing up the 
earth on each side by way of bank, raised a roof upon 
crutches with ridge-pole and rafters, nailing small poles 
across, and thatching the whole with palmetto leaves. When 

A Voyage to Georgia. 109 

the sloop came first up, the ground was covered with long 
grass. Mr. Tanner fired it, and it destroyed all vermin, and 
made the country round clear, so as not to be only pleasant 
to the eye, but convenient for walking. 

" Mr. Oglethorpe afterwards laid out several booths with- 
out digging under ground, which were also covered with 
palmetto leaves, to lodge the families of the colony in when 
they should come up ; each of these booths were between 
thirty and forty foot long, and upwards of tvi'enty foot 
wide. Mr. Oglethorpe made a present to Capt. Barnes for 
having come in the first to this port ; and Captains Thomas 
and Cornish both said, they did not doubt but we should 
bring in their ships. 

" We all made merry that evening, having a plentiful meal 
of game brought in by the Indians. 

"On the 19th, in the morning, Mr. Oglethorpe began to 
mark out a fort with four bastions, and taught the men how 
to dig the ditch, and raise and turf the rampart. This day 
and the following day was spent in finishing the houses, and 
tracing out the fort. The men not being yet very handy at 
it, we also in this time unloaded the sloop, and then she went 
down to discover the channel. 

"On the 22d a periagua from Savannah, arrived here 
with workmen, and some provisions and cannon. These 
were English, who rowing hard, had passed the boat with 
Germans, which did not come up whilst we were here. 

" We set out for Darien, ten miles from Frederica, up the 
northern branch of the Alatamaha, leaving Mr. Hermsdorf 
and the Indians here, and Mr. Horton's party, which was 
now augmented to fifty men. Mr. Tanner went along with 
us. We arrived there in about three hours. The High- 
landers were all under arms on the sight of a boat, and 
made a very manly appearance with their plaids, broad 
swords, targets and fire arms. ' Capt. Hugh Mackay com- 
mands there. He has mounted a battery of four pieces of 
cannon, built g guard house, a store house, a place for divine 
service, and several huts for particular people. One of their 
men dying, the whole people joined and built a hut for the 
widow. The Highlanders were not a little rejoiced to hear 
that a town was going to be settled, and a ship come up so 
near them ; and also, that they had a communication by land 
to Savannah, Capt. M'Pherson having been here with a party 

no A Voyage to Georgia. 

of Rangers from thence. Capt. Mackay invited Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe to lie in his tent, where there was a bed and sheets 
(a rarity as yet in this part of the world.) He excused him- 
self, choosing to lie at the guard fire, wrapped in his plaid, 
for he wore the Highland habit. Capt. Mackay and the 
other gentlemen did the same, though the night was very 

"The Scotch have met with a great deal of game in the 
woods, particularly wild turkeys, of which they have killed 
many. There was a party of Toma Chi Chi Indians there, 
who agreed mighty well with the Highlanders, and fetched 
them in venison. They have a minister, Mr. M'Leod, a very 
good man, who is very careful of instructing the people in 
religious matters, and will intermeddle with no other affairs. 

" This town stands upon a hill on the northern branch of 
the river Alatamaha, on the main continent of America. The 
country behind it is high and healthy, and very fit for cattle, 
though not so good for corn. The land near the river is 
fruitful, and a river falls into the Alatamaha about half a mile 
above the town, on both sides of which is excellent good 
land. The timber upon the high land behind the town is 
so*ne of the best in Georgia. 

"We left Mr. Tanner there, and then set out for the 
ships, going down to Duboy's island, and from thence com- 
ing back the same way that we went. I take the whole dis- 
tance by the channels, from Tybee to Frederica, to be about 
one hundred and thii'ty miles, though it is but sixty miles 
south upon the globe." 

On the 25th Capt. Yokely in the James, \vho had not 
sailed all this while, seeing that Mr. Oglethorpe was come 
back, sailed in the night, without sending any word, or wait- 
ing for further orders ; so that we knew nothing of it till we 
saw him the next morning, too far over the bar to send any 
message to him. 

Col Bull acquainted Mr. Oglethorpe, that pursuant to his 
desire from England, he had agreed for some hundreds 
of catde to be delivered on the Savannah river for the Trus- 
tees ; and that the price of cattle was much risen since. In- 
deed the prices of catde and provisions rose every day after 
our arrival, insomuch that rice, which Mr. Oglethorpe had 
bought, when he came over with the first colony for thirty- 
five shillings currency per hundred, was now sold for three 

A Voyage to Georgia. Ill 

pounds currency in Carolina ; and a cow with its calf, which 
then would have been sold for ten pounds currency, fetched 
now from fifteen to twenty pounds. Col. Bull also acquaint- 
ed him of his having bespoke boards, timbers, and boats, ac- 
cording to the orders of the Trustees ; that part of them was 
ready, and the rest would soon be so. This timber was de- 
signed for building barracks, but for want of boats to bring 
it down, the year was far advanced before we could get it to 

On the 26th the captains Cornish and Thomas returned 
in their yawl. Before they came on board the ship, I saw 
disappointment in their countenances. They brought up a 
draught of the bar, and declared they had not time to dis- 
cover it sufficiently to carry in their ships ; but that they had 
found water enough for the James, and the Peter and James, 
to go in. They farther told us that there were great fires 
on the main over against Frederica, which were supposed to 
be made by the Spanish Indians ; which was only a ground- 
less apprehension, for these fires were made by the Creek 
English Indians. 

Mr. Oglethorpe finding it impossible to prevail with the 
ships to go to Jekyl sound, called the freeholders together, 
acquainted them with the new difficulties of one hundred 
and thirty miles passage in open boats, which might take up 
fourteen days, and could not be performed in less than six ; 
that they must lie the nights in woods, with no other shel- 
ter than what they could get up upon their arrival, and be 
exposed to the cold frosty nights, which were not then over, 
and perhaps hard rains, that there might go by sea on board 
the Peter and James, as many as that ship could contain ; 
but that it would not hold near their number: that (con- 
sidering the difficulties of the southern settlement, almost in- 
superable to women and children, of which they had great 
numbers) if they were desirous thereof, he would permit them 
to settle at Savannah, and the neighboring lands. 

He gave them time to consult their wives and families, and 
appointed them to meet him again in two hours. When they 
returned they acquainted him, that as they came to make a 
town and live together, they had all been resolved before they 
came from England, and in their passage had confirmed their 
resolutions, and would not forsake one another ; but desired 
leave to go all together, and settle the town of Frederica, as 

112 .^ Voijage to Georgia. 

was first promised : that brothers, sons, and servants were 
gone before them, and it would look very base, and be very 
inconvenient to forsake them, or send for them back : that 
they all desired to go through the inland passage together, 
and were well contented to lie without cover not only for six 
days but for a much longer time, since it was no more than 
what they expected before they left England. 

The Symond and London Merchant not proceeding to 
the southward, occasioned a new expense and trouble ; for 
besides the demurrage during the delay, whilst the Captains 
gave hopes of going, these two large ships were now to be 
unloaded into the Peter and James, which could not carry 
above one hundred tons ; therefore sloops and other vessels 
were to be freighted to carry the remainder to Savannah, the 
only place where there was house-room enough to keep the 
goods dry, until they could be sent to the southward, as oc- 
casion should serve. 

We wanted a great many periaguas for to carry the fam- 
ilies to the southward through the channel between the 
islands. They daily arrived, some from Savannah, some 
from Port Royal, and some which returned from having car- 
ried down the Highlanders to the Darien, and the workmen 
to the southward ; so that we had soon enough, and by the 
1st of March had put the remainder of the colony on board 

These periaguas are long flat-bottomed boats, carrying 
from twenty to thirty-five tons. They have a kind of a fore- 
casde and a cabin ; but the rest open, and no deck. They 
have two masts which they can strike, and sails like schoon- 
ers. They row generally with two oars only ; but upon this 
occasion Mr. Oglethorpe ordered spare oars for each boat, 
by the addition of which, and the men of the colony rowing, 
they performed their voyage in five days, which a single 
periagua is often fourteen days in doing. Mr. Oglethorpe 
accompanying them with the scout boat, taking the hinder- 
most in tow, and making them keep together; an expedient 
for which was the putting all the strong beer on board one 
boat, which made the rest labor to keep up with that ; for if 
they were not at the rendezvous at night, they lost their 

On the 2d of March the periaguas and boats, making a 
little fleet, with the families on board, all sailed with the 

A Voyage to Georgia. 113 

afternoon flood, Mr. Oglethorpe in the scout boat accompany- 
ing them. I was left on board in order to load the Peter 
and James, Captain Dymond, with things the most imme- 
diately necessary for Frederica, and to unload and discharge 
the Symond and London Merchant. 

On the 3d I hired a schooner belonging to Mr. Foster, 
one of the freeholders of Savannah, to carry up part of the 
cargoes ; and I set on shore at Tybee the bricks, and such 
other part of the cargoes as could not get damage by wet, to 
lie there till occasion should ofier to carry them down, and 
thereby saved the charges of carrying them to Savannah and 
down again. I got the ship's boats to help to unload, craft 
being very scarce, by reason of so many boats sent down to 
the southward with the colony. 

On the 11th I discharged the ships Symond and London 
Merchant, having this day made an end of unloading them. 
The Peter and James being loaded, we now waited for a 
wind to sail to Frederica. 

On the 17th we set sail with the morning tide, in company 
with the Symond and London Merchant. As soon as we 
were over the bar we parted, they for Charlestown, and we 
for Frederica. In the evening the wind shifted, and we came 
to an anchor, the sea being very smooth, and but little wind. 

On the 18th, the wind came about, and we stood to the 
southward two days ; at which time we stood in for the land, 
and made a woody island. The land seemed high about the 
middle. We stood in within two miles: it looked pleasant, 
the beach being white sand, the woods lofty, and the land 
hilly. We daily saw several smokes and fires all along the 
shore, which were made by the friendly Indians, by Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe's order. At noon we had an observation, and found 
we were in 31 deg. 20 min., being twenty miles to the 
southward of Frederica, for the entrance of Jekyl sound, is 
in 31 deg. min. We turned to the north wai'd, and on the 
22d in the evening, we made the opening between Jekyl 
island and St. Simons. We came to an anchor that eve- 
ning, and the next morning, being the 23d, we stood into the 
opening, and found a good channel between the breakers all 
the way to Jekyl sound, at the entrance of which, Captain 
Yokely's boat came off to us. We ran directly up to Fre- 
derica, and anchored close to the shore in three fathom 
water, where lay the James, Captain Yokely. 


114 A Voyage to Georgia. 

I went on shore, where I found Mr. Oglethorpe was gone 
to the Spanish frontiers, and I was surprised to find that 
there was a battery of cannon mounted, which commanded 
the river, and the fort almost built, the ditches being dug 
round, though not to their width, and the rampart raised 
with green sod. Within the fort a very large and conve- 
nient storehouse, sixty foot in front, and to be three stories 
high, was begun, with a cellar of the same size underneath, 
and one story already raised above ground. The town was 
building, the streets were all laid out, the main street that 
went from the front into the country, was twenty-five yards 
wide. Each freeholder had sixty foot in front, by ninety 
foot in depth, upon the high street, for their house and gar- 
den ; but those which fronted the river had but thirty foot 
in fi-ont by sixty foot in depth. Each family had a bower of 
palmetto leaves, finished upon the back street in their own 
lands ; the side towards the front street was set out for their 
houses. These palmetto bowers were very convenient 
shelters, being tight in the hardest rains ; they were about 
twenty foot long, and fourteen foot wide, and in regular rows, 
looked very pretty, the palmetto leaves lying smooth and 
handsome, and of a good color. The whole appeared 
something like a camp ; for the bowers looked like tents, 
only being larger, and covered with palmetto leaves instead 
of canvass. There were three large tents, two belonging 
to Mr. Oglethorpe, and one to Mr. Horton, pitched upon the 
parade near the river. 

Mr. Oglethorpe had divided the colony into parties, one 
cut forks, poles, and laths for building the bowers, another 
set them up, a third fetched palmetto leaves, a fourth thatched, 
and a Jew workman, bred in the Brazil, and had come from 
Savannah, taught them to do this nimbly, and in a neat 
manner. Mr. Oglethorpe had appointed some men who 
knew the country to instruct the colony in hoeing and 
planting; and as soon as the bowers were finished, a party 
was set to that work, and the rest were hired by him to 
work at the fort, by reason that a great part of the workmen 
were not yet come up. It was so late in the year, he 
hoped little from any planting, therefore what he ordered to 
be done, was rather to teach the colony against another sea- 
son, than from any advantage likely to arise from it, and he 
employed the men of the colony to work at the fort that 

Jl Voyage to Georgia. 115 

they might get something to help to subsist themselves the 
next year. There was potatoes and Indian corn in the 
ground, and they were planting more ; there was some flax 
and hempseed, which came to little, being too late set. And 
it is an observation that all Europe grains should be sowed 
rather before winter, that they may shoot and cover the 
ground, for if they are sowed in spring, the weather coming 
hot upon them, the blades shoot at once into height, and 
not shading the roots the heat of the sun dries them up. 
But when the winter has checked the growth of the blade, 
the plant spreads, and covering the ground thick, shades it 
from the parching sun, and thereby keeps a moisture under- 
neath, which prevents the roots from being dried up. There 
was barley, turnips, lucerne grass, pumpkins, water-melons 
and several other seeds sown or sowing daily ; all was for 
the whole colony, the labor was in common, though they 
were assisted by several workmen hired from Savannah. I 
was the more surprised to see a team and six horses plough- 
ing, not having heard any thing of it before ; but it was thus : 
Messieurs Walter Augustine and Tolme, escorted by Mr. 
Hugh Mackay, had, pursuant to their orders, surveyed from 
Savannah to Darien, and had made a plan of it, and Mr. 
Hugh Mackay had brought these horses then with hitri, 
which were embarked in periaguas from Darien to Fred- 
erica. They reported that the Indians had accompanied, 
assisted, and hunted for them in their survey; and that 
they had met some camps of friendly Indians, besides those 
which Toma Chi Chi Mico sent with them ; that they had 
found the country passable for horses, but to keep the horse 
road they were obliged to go routid about, and head several 
valleys which were too rich and wet to be passable, therefore 
that road was ninety miles round ; but that the road might 
be carried so as to make it but seventy ; that there were 
two rivers to be swam over; and some boggy places. The 
news they brought had been no small joy to the people of 
Frederica, since they had a communication from the Darien 
by land, open to Savannah, and consequently to all the 
English colonies of North America. 

Frederica is situated in the island of St. Simons, in the 
middle of an Indian field, where our people found thirty or 
forty acres of land cleared by them. The ground is about 
nine or ten foot above high water mark, and level for about 

116 A Voyage to Georgia. 

a mile into the island ; the bank is steep to the river, which 
is here narrow but deep and makes an elbow, so that the 
ibrt commands two reaches. The woods on the other side 
this branch of the Alatamaha are about three miles distance. 
All that three miles is a plain marsh, which by small banks 
might easily be made meadow : when I was upon it, it was 
so hard that a horse might gallop, but most part of it is 
flooded at very high tides. The open ground on which the 
town stands, is bounded by a little wood to the east, on the 
other side of which is a large Savannah of above two hundred 
acres, where there is fine food for cattle. To the South, is 
a little wood of red bay trees, live oaks, and other useful 
timber, which is reserved for the public service. In the fort 
also are some fine large oaks preserved for shade. To the 
north are woods, where the people have leave to cut for fire 
and building, for all that side is intended to be cleared. To 
the west is the river, and the marshes beyond it as I said 
before. The soil is a rich sand mixed with garden mould, 
the marshes are clay. In all places where they have tried, 
they find fresh water within nine foot of the surface. The 
grass in the Indian old field was good to cut into turf which 
was useful in sodding the fort. 

The woods on the island are chiefly live-oak, water- 
oak, laurel, bay, cedar, gum and sassafras, and some pines. 
There are also abundance of vines growing wild in the woods; 
one called the fox grape, from a kind of muscadine taste, is 
as large and round as the duke cherry, and fleshy like it, but 
the stones are like the grape. This kind of grape does 
rarely grow in clusters, but singly like cherries. The other 
grape is black in clusters, small, thick skinned, big stoned, 
but pleasant enough ; it seems to be the Bourdeaux grape, 
wild and unimproved ; they are ripe about September, but a 
quantity sufficient to make a true experiment of wine (which 
can hardly be done under sixty gallons) is hard to be got, 
because the bears, raccoons and squirrels eat them before 
they ai-e ripe, and as they run up very high trees, it is diffi- 
cult, or almost impossible to get to the tops of them where 
the best grow. These grapes are common to the woods in 
most parts of America. But there is on St. Simons, a wild 
grape much nearer the Europe vine, the fruit being exactly 
the same as the common white grape, though the leaf is 
something different. The birds and wild animals like it so 

A Voyage to Georgia. 1 1 7 

well that they suffer it seldom to ripen. All the vine kinds 
seem natural to the country. The China root produces a 
kind ot" bind or briar ; and the melon, the water-melon, cu- 
cumber, kidney bean, pumpkin and gourd, all thrive won- 

The island abounds with deer and rabbits ; there are no 
buffaloes in it, though there are large herds upon the main. 
There are also a good many raccoons, a creature something 
like a badger, but somewhat less, with a bushy tail like a 
squirrel, tabbied with rings of brown and black. They are 
very destructive to the poultry. 

I heard that there were wolves and bears, but saw none. 
There are great numbers of squirrels of different sizes, the 
little kind the same as in England, a lesser than that, not 
much bigger than a mouse, and a large grey sort, very near 
as big as a rabbit, which those who are accustomed to the 
country say, eats as well. There are wild cats which they 
call tigers ; I saw one of them which the Indians killed, the 
skin was brown, and all of one color, about the size of a 
middling spaniel, little ears, great whiskers, short legs, and 
strong claws. 

Of the wild fowl kind, there are wild turkeys, though but 
few of them upon the island, but plenty upon the main. This 
bird is larger than the tame turkey, and the cock is the beau- 
tifullest of the feathei'ed kind ; his head has the red and blue 
of the turkey, only much more lively and beautiful, his neck is 
like the cock pheasant's, his feathers also are of the same color 
with those of that bird, glittering in the sun as if they were 
gilded ; his tail is as large, though it hath not so fine eyes in 
it as the peacock's hath. At first, before they were disturbed 
by our people, they would strut in the woods as a peacock 
does. I have heard some say, that upon weighing, they° 
have found them to exceed thirty pounds ; I never weighed 
any, but have had them very fat and large ; they are delicious 
meat and are compared to a tame turkey, as a pheasant is to 
a fowl I saw no partridges upon the island, though they 
are plenty upon the main. Turtle-doves the woods swarm 
with, which are excellent food ; there are also great numbers 
of small birds, of which a black bird with a red head, the red 
bird, or Vii-ginia nightingale, the mocking bird, which sings 
sweetly, and the rice bird, much resembling the French orte- 
lan, were the chief; the rest are too numerous to describe. 

118 A Voyage to Georgia. 

Of water fowl, in winter there are great abundance ; be- 
sides the common English wild goose, duck, mallard, and 
teal, there is a kind of wild goose like the brand geese, and 
ducks of many kinds hardly known in Europe. There is a 
hooping crane, a fowl with grey feathers, five or six foot high, 
numbers of the heron kind of different species and colors, 
some small ones of the most beautiful white, which are called 
poor Jobs, from their being generally very lean. Of birds of 
prey, there are the land and the sea eagle, with different kinds 
of hawks : there are also numbers of pelicans and cormo- 

Of reptiles, the crocodile, which seems to be the chief, 
abounds in all the rivers of Georgia ; they call them alliga- 
tors. I have seen some of these I believe twelve foot long. 
A number of vulgar errors are reported of them ; one is, 
that their scales are musket proof; whereas I have frequently 
seen them killed with small shot ; nay, 1 have heard from 
people of good credit, that when they have found one at a 
distance from the water they have killed him with sticks, not 
thinking him worth a shot. And Mr. Norton more than once 
has struck one through with a hanger. The watermen often 
knock them on the head with their oars as they sleep upon 
the banks, for they are very sluggish and timorous, though 
they can make one or two springs in the water with nimble- 
ness enough, and snap with strength whatever comes within 
their jaws. They are terrible to look at, stretching open an 
horrible large mouth, big enough to swallow a man, with 
rows of dreadful large sharp teeth, and feet like dragons 
armed with great claws, and a long tail which they throw 
about with great strength, and which seems their best wea- 
pon, for their claws are feebly set on, and the stiffness of 
'their necks hinders them from turning nimbly to bite. When 
Mr. Oglethorpe was first at Savannah, to take off the terror 
which the people had for the crocodiles, having wounded 
and catched one about twelve foot long, he had him brought 
up to the town, and set the boys to bait him with sticks, the 
creature gaping and blowing hard, but had no heart to move, 
only turned about his tail, and snapt at the sticks, till such 
time as the children pelted and beat him to death. At our 
first coming they would stare at the boats, and stand till they 
came up close to them, so that Mr. Horton killed five in one 
day ; but being frequently shot at they grew more shy. 

A Voyage to Georgia. 119 

They destroy a great deal of fish, and will seize a hog or a 
dog if they see them in the water ; but their general way of 
preying is lying still, with their mouths open and their noses 
just above water, and so they watch till the stream brings 
down prey to them ; they swallow any thing that comes into 
their mouths, and upon opening them knots of light wood 
have been found in their guts. They rarely appear in winter, 
being then in holes. They lay eggs which are less than 
those of a goose : they scrape together a number of leaves, 
and other trash, of which nature has taught them to choose 
such as will foment and heat ; of these they make a dunghill 
or hot-bed, iu the midst of which they leave their eggs, cover- 
ing them with a sufficient thickness. The heat of the dung- 
hill, helped by the warmth of the climate, hatches them, and 
the young crocodiles creep out like small lizards. 

Next to the crocodile is the rattle-snake, a creature really 
dangerous, though far from bein^ terrible to look at. The 
bite is generally thought mortal, and certainly is so, if reme- 
dies are not in time applied. The Indians pretend to have 
performed wonderful cures, and boast an infallible secret, but 
it is generally believed that the hot season of the year, and 
the rage of the rattle-snake increase the force of the poison, 
and that the bite is more or less dangerous according to the 
part ; and those who are bit with the least dangerous circum- 
stances are cured by the outward applications of the Indians. 
Mr. Reeves, who was Surgeon to the Independent Company 
at Port Royal has, by a regular course of medicine, cured 
most of those who were carried to him and bit by rattle- 
snakes. I can say less of this, because (thank God) there 
has not been one person bit by a rattle-snake in the colony 
of Georgia. I have seen several of these snakes which were 
killed at Frederica, the largest above two yards long, the 
belly white, and the back of a brown color; they seem to 
be of the viper kind, and are of a strong smell, somewhat 
like musk. The rattles are rings at the end of their tails of 
a horny substance : these shaking together make a noise, 
which with their strong musky smell give cautious people 
notice where they are. They are not so nimble as some 
snakes are, therefore do not remove out of the way, which 
is generally the occasion of bites when they happen ; for they 
naturally in their own defence snap at what treads near them. 
To prevent this, those who walk the woods much, wear what 

120 A Voyage to Georgia. 

they call Indian boots, which are made of coarse woolen 
cloths, much too large for the legs, tied upon their thighs 
and hang loose to their shoes. 

Besides the ratde-snake, there are some others whose bite 
is dangerous ; there are also many others, as the black, the 
red, and the chicken snake, whose bites are not venomous. 

On the 24th, I resolved to keep the cargoes on board, 
and landed nothing but as it was actually wanted. There 
was a booth for a storehouse on shore, with a cellar to it ; 
but the cargo of the Midnight sloop had filled that. There 
were also some other booths where the colony lodged till 
they had made their own bowers, but there being already a 
great many goods and provisions come up, there was not 
room enough in all for them, and we were much distressed 
for want of room, many things being damaged by not having 
cover to put them under. I therefore thought it best to keep 
the cargoes on board both s^ips, and take things out as we 
had occasion. 

On the 25th, in the evening, Mr. Oglethorpe returned 
from the Spanish frontiers, and some difficulties having arose 
about settling the bounds of the dominions belonging to the 
crowns of Great Britain and Spain, to make the following 
transactions intelligible it will be necessary to describe the 
situation of the Province of Georgia, and also to give an 
account of his expedition to the frontiers, from whence he 
now returned. 

The Mississippi river parts these bounds, the mouths and 
heads of which are possessed by the French, who have gar- 
risons and considerable forces up that river as far as the 
Chickasaws country. To the east of that country there are 
four great nations of Indians. 

1. The Choctaws, some of which lie on the other side of 
the river, and some on this. These Mr. Oglethorpe in his 
first voyage to Georgia gained to admit of English traders. 
They are about five thousand warriors on the east side of 
the river. 

2. The Cherokees, a nation who inhabit the mountains 
upon the southern heads of the Savannah river, amounting 
to about three thousand warriors. 

3. The Chickasaws, who lie upon the Mississippi river, 
between the Cherokees and the Choctaws, who have long 
been subjects to the crown of England, and who hinder the 

A Voyage to Georgia. 121 

French communication up that river with their northern col- 
onies of Canada ; and 

4 The Creeks, who are bounded by the Chickasaws and 
Cherokees upon the north, the Choctaws upon the west, 
the Florida Indians upon the South, and who to the east- 
ward reach as far as the ocean. These are divided into 
several towns and nations, one of which is commanded by 
Toma Chi Chi, who was in England. To these belonged 
all the islands upon the sea, and the main land, from the 
mouth of the Savannah, to the Choctaws and the Florida 
Indians. The Creeks did by treaty grant the lands which 
the English now possess in Georgia near Savannah, and for 
it received presents. 

The sovereignty was in the crown of Great Britain, ever 
since the discovery of them by Sir Walter Raleigh. All 
Carolina bounded by the river St. John, was the Carolina 
granted to the proprietors in the English possession at the 
Treaty of 1670. They also conceded several islands, re- 
serving to themselves several portions of land on the main, 
as also the islands of St. Catharine, Sapola, and Assaba. 
They granted those of Tybee, Warsaw, Skidoway, Wilming- 
ton, St. Simons, and all those to the southward of it as far 
as St. John's river to the colony. The Creek Indians were 
allies or rather subjects to the crown of Great Britain, and 
did, with the assistance of the English in the year 1 703, 
beat the Spaniards as far as St. Augustine, and besieged 
that place. But though the siege was raised, the Creek 
Indians still kept possession of all the lands on the north of 
St. John's river, but had made a treaty with General Nich- 
olson (who commanded by commission from King George 
the First in those countries) that no private Englishman 
should possess the property of any land to the south or 
west of the river Savannah, without leave first had from the 

The first thing Mr. Oglethorpe did in his first voyage, 
was to obtain the grant from the Indians ; and upon a 
meeting of all the upper and lower Creeks, upon Toma Chi 
Chi's return from England, they confirmed the grant of all 
the islands (those reserved as above excepted) also of all 
the lands upon the continent as far as the tide flowed, and 
two hours walk above it. In pursuance of this agreement 
Toma Chi Chi came down with a party of Indians to show 


122 A Voijage to Georgia. 

Mr. Oglethorpe how far their possessions reached. The day 
he arrived he presented ten bucks to the whole colony, 
which were divided after the Indian manner to all equal. 
Every day more Indians came in from different quarters, 
where they had been hunting. At last Mr. Jonathan Brian 
brought down a new scout boat with ten oars. Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe having heard no news of Major Richard, and the 
boat sent to Augustine ; and being informed by his Indians 
that great number of the Florida Indians were sent for up to 
their town ; and also having advice from Charlestown that 
they heard from Augustine that the Spaniards were prepar- 
ing to dislodge us, he resolved to go down and see the 
frontiers, and inquire what was become of his boat and men, 
and at the same time to restrain the Indians from hurting 
the Spaniards : who seemed very eager so to do, under the 
pretence of hunting the buffalo. Knowing there was a pas- 
sage through which boats might come round the island, and 
perhaps might destroy the colony in one night, he made 
Capt. Yokely anchor below the town, who was very alert, and 
kept a good look-out, and having some cannon, and support- 
ed by a battery from the land, was above a match for open 
boats. He designed also to build a fort upon the boat pas- 
sage, but the Indian company not being yet come, he had 
no men to garrison it. The Highlanders very cheerfully of- 
fered themselves for that service. He ordered a large peria- 
gua to bring them down from the Darien. 

" On the 18th of April he set out with the two scout boats 
with Toma Chi Chi and a body of Indians, who though but 
few, being not forty, were all chosen warriors and good 
hunters. Mr. Oglethorpe did not care for having too many, 
lest their strength should encourage them to hostilities with 
the Spaniards, which it was his business to avoid. Rowing 
across Jekyl sound he went up another branch of the Alata- 
maha, to see what passages might lie that way for boats, 
and encamped in a grove of pine trees upon the main, where 
were many trees fit for masts to the largest ships. They 
made up three fires, one for the Indians, one for the boat- 
men, and one for the gentlemen. Mr. Oglethorpe lay, as he 
usually does, in the woods under a tree, wrapt up in a 
cloak, near a good fire. Mr. Horton, Mr. Tanner, and the 
rest of the gentlemen lay round the fire in the same manner. 

" The next day, soon after day break, they discovered the 

Jl Voyage to Georgia, 123 

periagua, which made a fine appearance, being full of men : 
Captain Hugh Mackay, who commanded them, had been 
indefatigable in making this dispatch ; there was on board 
thirty Highlanders and ten other men, a party of the inde- 
pendent company, lately reduced, who had come over land to 
Darien under the command of Ensign Hugh Mackay, as be- 
fore mentioned : they had with them tools for entrenching, 
and provisions. That afternoon they saw an island, which 
the Indians formerly called Wissoo, in English, Sassafras. 
This is over against Jekyl island on the south ; the north- 
west end of it rises fifty foot or upwards above the water, 
like a terras, a mile in length, covered with tall pine trees. 
The western extremity of this hill commands the passage 
for boats from the southward as the northern end of the 
island does the entry for ships. Here they met with some 
bark-huts, which our friendly Indians had some time since 
built for their lodging when they hunted there. They saw 
a great many deer and a wide savannah lying at the foot of 
the hill, extending near two or three miles : so that from the 
western point they could discover any boat that came from 
the southward for several miles. 

*'Mr. Oglethorpe, upon the extreme w'estern point of the 
hill, the foot of which is washed on the one side by the bay 
and by the channel that goes to the southward on the other, 
marked out a fort to be called St. Andrew's, and gave Cap- 
tain Hugh Mackay orders to build it ; leaving with him the 
periagua, and all that came in it, and also some Indians to 
hunt and shoot. 

"Mr. Oglethorpe proceeded on the next morning with the 
two scout boats, and Toma Chi Chi and his Indians ; who 
new named this island Cumberland in memory of his Royal 
Highness the Duke, who had been very gracious to them, 
particularly to Tooanahowi, nephew to Toma Chi Chi, to 
whom his Royal Highness had given a gold repeating watch, 
which Tooanahowi holding in his hand, said, the Duke gave 
us this watch, that w^e might know how the time went, and 
we will remember him at all times, and therefore will give 
this island his name : or words to that purpose. They en- 
camped that night on the south end of Cumberland, and the 
next morning discovered another island beyond it, between 
which and the main, they row^ed through very narrow and 
shoaly passages amongst the marshes. To this island Mr. 

124 A Voyage to Georgia. 

Oglethorpe gave the name of Amelia, it being a beautiful 
island, and the sea shore covered with myrtle, peach-trees, 
orange trees and vines in the wild woods. They rowed 
across a fresh water river, a branch of the Alatamaha, and 
that night Toma Chi Chi chose to encamp upon a ground 
where there were but a few straggling pine trees, and the 
land being clear for half a mile round, and thick of shrubs 
and palmettoes : his reason was that if any Florida Indians 
were out there, they would be discovered, if they approached 
in the night, by the noise of the palmetto leaves; and, (says 
he) yoii being Englishmen, who are used to fight in open 
groimd, I choose this as being most to your advantage. 

"Next morning he conducted them through several chan- 
nels till they came to two rocks covered with cedar and bay 
trees, and climbing to the tops of those rocks he shewed 
them a wide river, which was St. John's, and a house or hut 
on the other side, saying, that is the Spanish guard. Ml on 
this side that river we hunt ; it is our ground. On the other 
side they hunt, but as they have lately hurt some of our people^ 
we will now drive them away. We will stay behind these 
rocks, where they cannot see us, till night, and then we will 
fall upo?i them.^' 

" Mr. Oglethorpe, with much difficulty, prevailed with the 
Indians not to attack the Spaniards ; for some of them are 
related to those that had been killed the winter before, by 
the detachment from Augustine, and one of them, Poyeechy 
by name, had been wounded by the Spaniards. At last the 
Indians were prevailed upon to return to the Palmetto ground, 
where he promised to meet them. And not caring to trust 
them single, lest they should turn back and do mischief to 
the Spaniards, he ordered Mr. Horton, with one of the ten- 
oared scout-boats to attend upon them ; and with the other 
boat he himself went into St. John's river, intending to in- 
quire of the Spanish guards what was become of the boat 
and men he had sent to Augustine. 

" The hut which they saw from the rocks, was the upper 
Spanish look-out, but seeing no people, they concluded it de- 
serted, therefore stood down to the lower look-out. 

" The boatmen fancied they saw a battery of cannon, for 
there appeared some black things which they thought looked 
like guns at a great distance, but Mr. Oglethorpe desired to 
see them nearer. 

Jl Voyage to Georgia. 125 

" As they stood in, they proved to be cows lying down 
among the sand hills. There were no people at the look-out, 
so they went down to the sea, and rounding the point St. 
George, passing between that and Talbot island, came to the 
rendezvous at the Palmetto ground ; where they met Mr. 
Horton in the scout boat, and some boats of Indians, but 
Toma Chi Chi with two boats was gone on. 

" About four hours in the night their sentry challenged a 
boat ; and Umpeachy, one of those who had been in Eng- 
land, answered, and at the same time leaped on shore with 
four others, and ran up to the fires where Mr. Oglethorpe 
then was. 

" They seemed in such a rage as is hardly to be described. 
Their eyes glowed as it were, with fire ; some of them foam- 
ed at the mouth, and moved with such bounds, that they 
seemed rather possessed. 

" Mr. Oglethorpe asked Umpeachy what the matter was : 
he said Toma Chi Chi has seen enemies, and has sent us to 
tell it, and to help you. Being asked why the Mico did not 
come back himself, he said, he is an old warrior, and will not 
come away from his enemies, who hunt upon our lands, till 
he has seen them so near as to count them. He saw their 
fire and therefore sent to take care of you, who are his friends. 
He will make a warrior of Tooanahowi, and before daylight 
will be revenged for his men, whom they killed whilst he 
was gone to England. But we shall have no honor, for we 
shall not be there. The rest of the Indians seemed to catch 
the raging fits, at not being present. Mr. Oglethorpe asked 
if he thought there were many ; he said, yes, he thought the 
enemies were a great many, for they had a great fire upon a 
high ground, and the Indians never make large fires, but 
when they are so strong as to despise all resistance. 

"Mr. Oglethorpe immediately ordered all his people on 
-board, and they rowed very briskly to where Toma Chi Chi 
was, being about four miles distance. 

" They found him and his Indians with hardly any fire, only 
a few sparks behind a bush, to prevent discovery. They 
told him they had been to see the fire, and had discovered 
seven or eight white men ; but the Indians they believed had 
encamped further in the woods, for they had not seen them : 
but Toma Chi Chi was going out again to look for the In- 
dians, whom as soon as he discovered, he intended to give 

126 A Voijage to Georgia. 

the signal to attack both parties at once : one half of his men 
creeping near, and taking each their aim at those whom they 
saw most awake, and as soon as they had fired to run in with 
their hatchets, and at the same time those who had not fired 
should run in with their loaded arms ; that if they knew once 
where the Indians were, they could be sure of killing all the 
white men, since they being round the fire, were easily seen, 
and the same fire hindered them from seeing others. 

" Mr. Oglethorpe strove to dissuade them from that attempt ; 
but with great difficulty could obtain of them to delay a litUe 
time, they thinking it argued cowardice. At last they got 
up, and resolved to go in spite of all his endeavors ; on which 
he told them. You certainly go to kill them in the night, be- 
cause you are afraid of seeing them by day : now I do not 
fear them. Stay till day, and I will go with you, and see 
who they are. 

"Toma Chi Chi sighed and sat down, and said, *We 
don't fear them by day ; but if we don't kill them by night, 
they will kill you to-morrow.' So they stayed. 

" By day-break Mr. Oglethorpe and the Mico went down 
with their men, and came up to the fire, which they thought 
had been made by enemies, which was less than a mile 
from where the Mico had passed the night. They saw a 
boat there, with a white flag flying, and the men proved to 
be Major Richard, returned from Augustine. 

" The Indians then seemed ashamed of their rage, which 
inspired them to kill men before they knew who they were. 

" The same day they returned towards St. Andrews, and 
not having water enough, through the narrows of Amelia, 
the scout boats were obliged to halt there ; but the Indians 
advanced to the south end of Cumberland, where they 
hunted, and carried venison to St. Andrews. 

^' Mr. Oglethorpe arriving there was surprized to find the 
fort in a forwardness ; the ditch being dug, and the parapet 
raised with wood and earth on the land side, and the small 
wood was cleared fifty yards round the fort. This seemed 
to be the more extraordinary, because Mr. Mackay had no 
engineer, nor any other assistance in that way, but the direc- 
tions left by Mr. Oglethorpe : besides it was very difficult to 
raise works here, the ground being a loose sand ; therefore 
they used the same method to support it as Caesar mentions 
in the wars of Gaul, laying trees and earth alternately, the 

Jl Voyage to Georgia. 127 

trees prevented the sand from falling, and the sand the wood 
from fire. — He returned thanks to the Highlanders, and 
offered to take any of them back, but they said, that whilst 
there was danger, they desired leave to stay. But he or- 
dered two along with him, they having families at Darien, to 
whom he thought it would be agreeable for them to return. 
From thence he returned to Frederica with the white men 
and the scout boats. 

Next day being the 26th, the Indians arrived, and camped 
by themselves near the town, and made a war dance, to 
which Mr. Oglethorpe went, and all his people. They made 
a ring, in the middle of which four sat down, having Httle 
drums made of kettles, covered with deer skins, upon which 
they beat and sung : round them the others danced, being 
naked to their waists, and round their middles many trinkets 
tied with skins, and some with the tails of beasts hanging 
down behind them. They painted their faces and bodies, 
and their hair was stuck with feathers : in one hand they had 
a rattle, in the other hand the feathers of an eagle, made up 
like the caduceus of Mercury : they shook these wings and 
the rattle, and danced round the ring with high bounds and 
antic postures, looking much like the figures of the satyrs. 

They shewed great activity, and kept just time in their 
motions, and at certain times answered by way of chorus, to 
those that sat in the middle of the ring. They stopt, and 
then stood out one of the chief warriors, who sung what 
wars he had been in, and described (by actions as well as 
by words) which way he had vanquished the enemies of his 
country. When he had done, all the rest gave a shout of 
approbation, as knowing what he said to be true. The next 
day Mr. Oglethorpe gave presents to Toma Chi Chi and his 
Indians, and dismissed them whh thanks for their fidelity to 
the king. 

The 28th we received advice that Captain Gascoigne, 
with the man-of-war sloop, the Hawk, was got up to the 
town of Savannah, she having suffered much in her passage, 
being near lost by stress of weather. Captain Gascoigne 
desiring a pilot that knew Frederica bar, there being none 
but Captain Dymond, or Captain Yokely, that could under- 
take it, Mr. Oglethorpe prevailed with Captain Dymond to 
leave his ship and go to Savannah, to bring the Hawk into 

128 Jl Voyage to Georgia. 

Major Richard gave an account that he was cast away 
before he could get to Augustine, that part of their baggage 
was lost, but the boat and men were saved ; that having 
scrambled through the breakers, and walked some leagues 
through the sands they were met by Don Pedro Lamberto, 
a captain of horse, and by him conducted to the Governor, 
who received him with great civility ; and that the reason of 
his long stay was, to get the boat repaired. He brought letters 
from Don Francisco del Moral Sanchez, Captain General of 
Florida, and Governor of St. Augustine, to Mr. Oglethorpe, 
who called together the freeholders, and communicated to 
them the contents of the letters, to prevent the ill impres- 
sions that idle reports might occasion. There were first great 
compliments, thanking him for the letters he had received by 
Don Carlos Dempsey and Major Richard : next complaining 
that the Creek Indians had fallen upon the Spaniards, and 
defeated some of them : that he daily expected farther hos- 
tilities from them, and desired him to restrain them. 

Major Richard, by word of mouth, told him that the Gov- 
ernor expected an answer back in three weeks ; that he had 
treated him with the greatest civility, and desired him to 
bring it, and that the Governor had sent advice to the Ha- 
vannah of our arrival. 

By private advices Mr. Oglethorpe was informed, that 
notwithstanding these professions the Governor of Agustine 
had sent to buy arms at Charlestown, and was preparing to 
arm the Florida Indians, in order to join the Yamasee In- 
dians, and to send them, together with a detachment of the 
Spanish garrison, to dislodge us ; and that the complaining 
of hostilities from the Creeks was only to give a reason for 
such an action, and lay upon us the blame of having begun 
the war ; that the garrison of Augustine consisted of five 
companies, sixty men each, and forty horse, and that the 
inhabitants of the place amounted to above two thousand 
men, women, and children, and that they expected troops 
would be sent from the Havannah, as soon as the message 
would arrive; but that they thought they had enough already 
to dislodge us. 

These private advices Mr. Oglethorpe did not communi- 
cate to the people ; but being doubtful of what the event 
might be, in case he should be attacked before the arrival of 
the man-of-war, and the independent company, he concluded 

A Voyage to Georgia. 129 

to arm a periagua, that was a good boat, to fit her out with 
twenty oars, and four swivel guns, and to send her to the 
river St. John's with a scout boat in company, called the 
marine boat, and by patrolling in that river to hinder the In- 
dians from passing it, and thereby from giving pretence of 
hostilities to the Spaniards, against whom they were very 
inveterate. He also designed that they should erect a fort 
upon the passages by the island St. George, that the peria- 
gua under the shelter of those guns might very easily hinder 
any boats from coming through the island passages, and 
send the scout boat to give the alarm, which by signals of 
smoke would reach St. Andrews, he ordering another scout 
boat to cruise between Amelia and Cumberland. 

The keeping the two ships in the river, with the assist- 
ance of the land batteries, would prevent any ships from 
coming up from the sea, but under a great disadvantage. 
He spoke to Toma Chi Chi Mico, who sent off parties of 
the Indians into the woods to strive to meet with the other 
Creek hunters, and desire them not to hurt the Spaniards, 
till a conference was held before Mr. Oglethorpe, who would 
see to get justice done to them, but to keep in the neighbor- 
hood of Frederica, on the main, to see that the Spanish 
horse did not pass to Darien, and to be ready in case they 
attacked us, to make a body. Toma Chi Chi leaving most 
of his men, returned to Yamacraw in all haste, in order to 
bring down more Indians. Men were chiefly wanted for 
this disposition ; but Mr. Oglethorpe made use of such men 
as were hired for workmen, and willing to serve on that 

The people went on with building the storehouse but 
slowly, hands being taken off for building the fort, and it 
was further delayed for want of boards and stuff, those 
which were bought in Carolina not coming up. Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe had the works round the fort frased or palisaded 
with cedar posts, to prevent our enemies turning up the 
green sod. He also had platforms of two inch planks laid 
for the cannon upon the bastions, and took in a piece of 
marsh ground which lay before the. fort, with a work called 
the spur, the cannon in which are upon a level with the 
water's edge, and make it impossible for any boat or ship to 
come up or down the river without being torn to pieces. 

He had a well dug in the fort, where we found tolerable 


130 A Voyage to Georgia. 

good water, and in plenty. The people having no bread, 
and biscuit being dear and necessary for the boats service, 
there was an oven built, and Mr. Oglethorpe bought off the 
time of an indented servant, who was a baker, and he baked 
bread for all the colony, they giving him their allowance of 
flour, and he returning to them the same weight in bread, 
the difference made by the water and salt being his gain. 
Fresh bread was a great comfort to the people. The Indians 
also brought us in plenty of venison, which was divided as 
far as it would go, instead of salt provisions, to the sick first, 
then to the women and children, and lastly to the strong 
young men. Whenever venison failed, we killed poultry, 
hogs or sheep for the sick. 

Twenty-eighth of March, Mr. Robert Ellis arrived here in 
a boat from Savannah. Mr. Oglethorpe received him with 
great civility, upon account of Mr. Penn, proprietor of Penn- 
sylvania, who had sent to the poor people of the town of Sa- 
vannah, at the beginning of the settlement, one hundred bar- 
rels of flour, as a present, which had been of very great service 
and relief to them. We bought of Mr. Ellis several provisions 
which the colony had occasion for. 

The 30th, Mr. Oglethorpe agreed with Mr. Jonathan Brian 
to furnish him with eighteen hands to assist him in cutting 
roads through that part of Georgia, which is from the river 
Savannah to the river Ogeechee, and for that purpose, to be- 
gin, by making a road passable from his own house in Carolina 
to the river Savannah, and thereby carry all things along with 
him, that were necessary, for the support of the men. In the 
evening Mr. Brian and Mr. Barnwell set out for Carolina of 
their own accords, promising, that if we should te attacked, 
they would come down with a large number of volunteers 
from thence. We also received advice from Savannah, that 
the chief of the Cheehaws, and another town of the Creek 
Indians, were arrived there, and would come over to our as- 
sistance in case any body disturbed us in our settlements. 

The 31st, Mr. Horton, who had five hundred acres of land 
granted by the Trustees, went to take possession of it, being 
on the other side the branch of the Alatamaha, and about six 
miles below the town. Mr. Oglethorpe ordered one of the 
scout boats to carry him : the captain was left ill ashore. He 
found the land exceeding rich. The scout boat having or- 
ders to fire a swivel gun, by way of signal, that we might 

A Voyage to Georgia. 131 

know how the lands bore from the town, the young fellow 
who fired the gun, loaded it again and again, fired it three 
times by way of rejoicing, and at the thii-d fire the gun being 
overloaded, burst, and the splinters wounded him very dan- 
gerously in the brain. Mr. Horton returned with the boat 
and wounded man directly, and notwithstanding the sur- 
geons took all possible care of him, he died the next day, 
being the first man that died at Frederica. 

The 2d day of May, Mr. Horton was sent down with a 
scout boat to escort a periagua loaded with ammunition, can- 
nons, boards for platforms, and other necessaries for St. An- 
drews, together with a message to Ensign Mackay, to come 
up to consult upon the present posture of affairs, and to bring 
with him such of the Highlanders whose interest in planting 
required their return to Darien ; and during his absence to 
leave Mr. Cuthbert *o command at St. xindrews. 

Boats daily arrived from Savannah, or Port Royal, with 
fowls, hogs and other live stock, for the use of the colony ; 
and those from Savannah seldom came without some volun- 
tees to ofTer their service to Mr. Oglethorpe, upon the pre- 
sent apprehension. And all the inhabitants of their town, 
and this province, shewed the greatest readiness to do every 
necessary for the general defence. And he was forced to 
send positive orders to prevent those who had plantations 
from coming down to the southward, lest thereby they should 
lose their next harvest ; and both they and the people of Port 
Royal thought it was better to dispute with the Spaniards 
here, than stay for the event, being thoroughly satisfied that 
if the Spaniards dislodged this settlement, they must of course 
be destroyed. 

Mr. Oglethorpe received a letter from Augustine by way 
of Charlestown giving an account that there had been an 
alarm there, that they hourly expected ships to their assist- 
ance from the Havannah ; that the general had beat to arms, 
and the trumpet sounded to boot and saddle ; that all the 
horse, and a detachment of foot were marched out, and that 
the Pohoia king of the Floridas was expected in a little 
more than a month, with a great number of Indians ; that the 
Spaniards had not arms for them, but that there were propos- 
als made by some persons who were runaways from Carolina, 
to buy at Charlestown arms, ammunition and presents both 
for them and the Creek Indians, the Spaniards intending to 

132 A Voyage to Georgia. 

gain the upper Creeks from the English interest. They had 
also sent to buy provisions at New York, in order to have 
sufficient to maintain the troops, that they expected from the 

He received at the same time a letter from Don Carlos 
Dempsey, by the governor of Augustine's order, acquainting 
him that the Indians had fallen upon a post of theirs, called 
Picolata, and killed some of their men, and that he from thence 
seemed to conclude, that the Indians would not molest them 
unless they had some private countenance. 

Upon these advices, to restrain the Indians, and prevent 
any pretence of a rupture upon their account with the Span- 
iards, Mr. Oglethorpe hastened the sending out of the ma- 
rine boats ; and he also sent an express to hasten the inde- 
pendent company from Port Royal, and the man-of-war 
■from Savannah. 

On the 10th, in the evening. Ensign Delegal arrived with 
a detachment of thirty men of the independent company un- 
der his command, all active, willing young fellows ; they had 
heard from Charlestown of the general report of the Span- 
iards' intention to dislodge us ; Mr. Delegal had made them 
row night and day, relieving their oars with the soldiers, in 
order to come up time enough for service. Mr. Oglethorpe 
went immediately on board them, and for fear of losing time 
suffered none to land, but ordered provisions and Enghsh 
strong beer, to be carried on board and distributed amongst 
the soldiers. As also a present of wine to Ensign Delegal. 
They went forward with the same tide of ebb, and Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe went down with the scout boat, and posted them 
upon the east point of the island, which projects into the 
ocean, a pleasant and healthful place, open to the sea 
breezes. There is a beach of white sand for four or five 
miles long, so hard that horse races might be run upon it. 
It commands the entry of Jekyl sound, in such a manner 
that all ships that come in at this north entry, must pass 
within shot of the point, the channel lying under it, by rea- 
son of a shoal which runs off from Jekyl island. Having 
pitched upon the ground for a fort, Mr. Oglethorpe ordered 
a well to be dug, and found good water ; after which he re- 
turned to Frederica. 

On the 13th, in the evening, the marine boat and a peria- 
gua, with men and provisions for three months, together with 

A Voyage to Georgia. 133 

arms, ammunition, and tools, sailed to the southward. Oa 
board her was Major Richard, with answers from Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe to the Captain General of Florida's letters, acquaint- 
ing him that being greatly desirous to remove all occasions 
of uneasiness, upon his Excellency's frequent complaints of 
the incursions of the Indians into the Spanish dominions, 
Mr. Oglethorpe had sent down some armed boats to patrol 
the rivers which separate the King of Great Britain's domin- 
ions from those of Spain, to hinder any lawless persons from 
sheltering themselves in the British dominions, and from 
thence molesting his Catholic Majesty's subjects, and to 
restrain the English Indians from invading them. He re- 
turned him thanks for his civilities, and expressed his incli- 
nation for maintaining a good harmony between the subjects 
of both crowns ; and that pursuant to his excellency's desire 
he has sent back Major Richard, together with an English 
gentleman to wait upon his excellency. 

This body of men w^as commanded by Captain Herms- 
dorf, and under him by Mr. Horton, the latter of whom had 
orders to go with Major Richard to Augustine ; and dap- 
tain Hermsdorf had orders, after having fortified the parts 
which commanded the pass by water, to make the boats 
patrol up the river St. John, to prevent our friendly Indians 
from passing the rivers, and advise all they met to return to 
Mr. Oglethorpe at Frederica. 

The 16th, we received advicfe from fort St. Andrews, that 
they had seen some ships out at sea. This day also returned 
some men whom Mr. Oglethorpe had sent to look out a way 
by land to the sea point, w^hich they had found, and brought 
advice from Ensign Delegal, that he had already cast up a 
small entrenchment, mounted some cannon, and had seen 
some ships lying off and on, and as they thought, heard 
several guns fire at sea, but so very distant as not to be quite 
certain. We began to be apprehensive that the Hawk w^as 
intercepted, and the rather because a decked boat, which 
had been set out a month from Charlestown for this place, 
was not yet arrived ; and this was increased by an account 
from a sloop which came from the northward, that she had 
seen a large ship out at sea that seemed to make towards 
her, but she standing in for shoal water heard no more of her. 

Upon this all hands were set to work upon the fortifica- 
tions, Mr. Oglethorpe recalled several parties of Indians from 

134 A Voyage to Georgia. 

the main, and kept them in the woods near the town. We 
cut down the small woods to the eastward, which hindered 
the town from seeing the Savannah, having before showed 
the inconveniency of it, for the people being tired of guards, 
to make them alert, he one day, in his return from viewing 
the sea coast, discovered a branch of the river that ended in 
the Savannah, and rowing up it landed with the men, and 
under the shelter of that wood, came to the farther end of 
the town without being discovered, having surprised the 
sentry that was without the wood, and sent him into the 
town Crying the enemy was upon them. The men who 
were with Mr. Oglethorpe fired a volley, falling in with a 
Spanish cry, the people ran to the fort, the very women took 
arms to help the defence of the fort, and the whole colony 
was thoroughly alarmed. 

One Walker, then sick of a fever, in his bower, which was 
nearest the wood, took up his musket, (which the people 
here were ordered to keep loaded by them) and being scarce 
able to stand, kneeling at his door upon one knee, he pre- 
sented his piece at the first man he saw; at which Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe calling to him, he, in the surprise scarcely knew his 
voice, but hearing his own name called, he recovered his 
arms, and was glad to find they were friends ; being asked 
what he intended to have done, he said, that thinking the 
town lost, he was resolved to die like a man with his arm>s in 
his hand, and to kill a Spaniard before he died. 

A magazine for the powder was begun under one of the 
bastions, made of solid thick timber, with several feet of earth 
over it ; a smith's forge also was getting up in the fort, the 
storehouse being raised and covered we began to bring in 
provisions, &c. 

This house was flat roofed and covered with boards, to be 
laid over with turpentine, and above that a composition of 
tar and sand, the boards were already laid, but the tar and 
other things were not come from Carolina ; notwithstanding 
that we thought it best to get every thing into the fort, par- 
ticularly provisions, for fear of accidents. 

I lay in the storehouse, but the rain came in between the 
boards, so that a good many of the stores were damaged, 
though we took all possible care to prevent it. 

The 17th we landed some sheep which arrived the night 
before in a sloop from Carolina ; they were about forty, 

A Voyage to Georgia. 135. 

bought for the use of the colony. Mr. Oglethorpe had or- 
dered a pen to be made for them, to keep them in till they 
were acquainted with the place, the people appointed to do 
it and take care of them, thought they might spare the trouble 
of making a pen, and govern them as they do English sheep 
without it, but as soon as they were landed, they came 
with terrible complaints to Mr. Oglethorpe, that they were 
not sheep, but devils, that they had run directly into the 
woods, and were as wild as bucks. Mr. Oglethorpe taking 
some of the Indians and others, went himself, and with much 
difficulty brought up most of them, but some were lost. 
And this experience made them mind Mr. Oglethorpe's ad- 
vice, who knew the nature of the country and the cattle. 
About this time the acre lots were run out, and each free- 
holder that desired to have them near the town had one, but 
those who were desirous of having more than one acre for 
their gardens were obliged to have it farther off the town, 
where they had five acres, which was part of the fifty acres 
promised to them ; the remainder was to be in farm at some- 
thing farther distance. 

On the 18th the flies began to plague the horses so as to 
make them almost unserviceable. Mr. Oglethorpe had a sta- 
ble made at the end of the toAvn for them. There was a 
fence some time ago begun, designed to be carried all round 
the town by joint labor, but the alarms making it neces- 
sary to finish the fortifications, and put the place into a 
posture of defence (and for which there were scarce hands 
sufficient) the enclosure was obliged to be left unfinished, by 
which means most of the corn, and other things that had 
been planted, were destroyed by the cattle. The magazine 
for powder being finished, as also a lodgment bomb-proof in 
the hollow of another of the bastions, the smith's forge in a 
woiking order, the fort in a posture of defence, and pro- 
visions-sufficient for the whole colony. 

On the 25th Mr. Oglethorpe went down to St. Andrews 
in a scout boat, with some other boats, to see what farther 
works were necessary for that place, and also to have the 
entrance from the sea into Jekyl sound, better viewed and 

On the 26th, advice came from Ensign Delegal, at the 
sea point, that he had discovered a ship at sea ; Mr. Tanner 
went down in a scout boat to see what she was, but she 

136 Ji Voyage to Georgia. 

was stood out to sea, upon which he returned to the 

" The 29th, Mr. Oglethorpe returned from St. Andrews ; 
in going down he had very bad weather, great storms of 
thunder, lightnings, wind, and rain. The scout boat was 
forced to take shelter amongst oyster banks, over against 
Jekyl island, where they rode out the night. They saw a 
fire upon that island, on which, notwithstanding the rough- 
ness of the weather, they rowed across the sound (which 
is three miles wide) with much difficulty, and could not gain 
the island till nine in the morning ; they found a creek which 
carried them up to the very heart of it, and there landing 
found a large field of rich ground, formerly cleared by the 
Indians. They saw the footsteps of a man where the fire 
had been ; Mr. Oglethorpe walked through the island, but 
could not make out the track : he went on to St. Andrews, 
and sent Ferguson's scout boat to Capt. Hermsdorf; he 
sent off another boat to sound ; he ordered a ravelin to be 
added to the fort at St. Andrews, and also a palisade round 
the bottom of the hill. They saw some sails from St. An- 
drews, on which Mr. Oglethorpe immediately returned for 
Frederica, but by stress of w^eather was forced into Jekyl 
Island, blowing and raining very hard ; however at last they 
rowed through it and got up to the town." Mr. Tanner 
was sent down with Capt. Dymond's long boat to go out at 
Jekyl entry, to see what the sails were. At the same time 
another boat was sent down to go out at Cumberland entry, 
and see if any ships attempted to come in there, and to give 
notice thereof. Also Mr. Delegal was ordered to send over 
a party to view Jekyl island. Mr. Oglethorpe himself staid 
at Frederica, to take such measures as should be necessary 
for the defence of the whole, if these ships should not be 
friends, and land. 

On the 30th, Mr. Tanner returned with an account that 
he reached Jekyl island in the evening, and saw a two 
mast vessel at an anchor off the bar, but being near night 
could make no farther discovery ; that this morning he went 
off with the tide of ebb being a dead calm, so that he could 
get near enough to discover what she was, without any 
danger of being intercepted by her ; he afterwards took her 
to be the Hawk sloop, and the nearer he went to her, the bet- 
ter satisfied he was of it ; he laid two buoys on the breaker 

Ji Voyage to Georgia. 137 

heads, and then went on towards the sloop. About noon 
the wind rising, Capt. Gascoigne, in the Hawk, weighed, 
came over the bar at once, and came to an anchor in Jekyl 

In the middle of the night, between the first and second 
of June, Captain Ferguson arrived in the scout boat, with 
an account that Major Richard and Mr. Horton, and some 
others of the men, were prisoners at Augustine. That 
Capt. Hermsdorf, expecting every hour to be attacked by 
the Spaniards, the island St. George not being yet in a pos- 
ture of defence, and apprehending a mutiny amongst his 
men, was come away from thence ; that he had seen him 
safe as far as the north end of Cumberland, where he had 
left him with the periagua and the marine boat ; but that if 
he was pursued, as he believed he was, he apprehended 
they would easily fall into the Spaniards' hands, the men 
being mutinous, which was the reason he advised him to 
come up to St. Andrews ; but the other did not think fit to 
conform to it. Mr. Oglethorpe sending for him to his tent, 
inquired the matter more particularly of him ; after which 
he spent the rest of the night in writing, making proper dis- 
positions, and sending for such assistance as he thought 
could be procured, resolving himself to set out in the morn- 
ing for the southward. He spoke to the people, to take off 
any panic fear that this accident might have occasioned, 
though they were very fiir from being frightened, or even 
surprised ; for they had been all along, by continual alarms, 
accustomed to expect that they should at last be obliged to 
fight for their lands. 

Mr. Oglethorpe told the particulars of the whole story, 
which were, that Major Richard, on his arrival at St. George's 
had sent over to the Spanish side, according as he had prom- 
ised to the Governor of Augustine, but met with no horses or 
persons at the look-out, as was appointed : some days pass- 
ing, he being very impatient to carry his letters, pursuant 
to his promise of returning in three weeks ; and there being 
great danger of going in open boats from St. John's to the 
bar of Augustine, as he had before experienced. Mr. Horton 
seeing it was for the service, offered to walk to Augustine by 
land, taking a servant and another man with him, to give 
notice to the Governor of the Ivlajor's being arrived with the 
letters. He was accordingly landed at the Spanish look-out, 

138 A Voyage to Georgia. 

from whence he was set out for Augustine. Some days after, 
two smokes being made at the Spanish look-out, which was 
the signal agreed, Major Richard sent over the marine boat, 
which brought for answer, that there was a guard and horses 
ready to conduct him to Augustine, but that the Spaniards 
looked and behaved in such a manner as seemed to be more 
like enemies than friends. Both men and officers advised 
that Major Richard should not go without the Spaniards left 
some one as security for his safety ; but he resolved to go. 

Being landed on the other side, the Spaniards brought 
him a horse, and as soon as he was mounted carried him 
away without taking any leave of the boat. A few days 
after this, some smokes being made on the Spanish side, the 
boat went over to see what message there was, and brought 
back a piece of dirty paper, with something wrote in German, 
with a black lead pencil, said by the Spaniards to be wrote 
to Captain Horton, by Major Richard. There was nothing 
of consequence in those lines only that he was got well to 
the captain of horse's quarters. They saw the appearance 
of more Spaniards than usual on the main, and also several 
fires. Mr. Horton not returning, the Spaniards appearing, 
and Major Richard writing in so short a manner, that he was 
arrived at the captain of horse's quarters, made Mr. Herms- 
dorf conclude that he was kept prisoner there, and that he 
dared not write plainer, because the letter passed through 
the Spaniards' hands. Besides this, his men being very un- 
willing to do their guard exactly, or be vigilant when sentries, 
the fort not being yet tenable, and being informed that there 
was a general meeUng designed, he thought it was best to 
re-embark every thing, and retire to Amelia sound, through 
which the Spaniards must pass, if they came between the 
islands to attack the colony. And if they advanced with 
such force as to be able to overpower him, he could perceive 
them soon enough to retire under the cannon at St. Andrews, 
and there he resolved to stay till he had farther orders, and 
sent up the scout boat for them. 

Mr. Oglethorpe having informed them of this, he farther 
acquainted them, that he was going down himself to set 
things to rights, that now the man-of-war was come it would 
guard the entrance of Jekyl sound ; that the detachment of 
the independent company would prevent landing upon the 
back of the island, and that their fort was in a good condi- 

A Voyage to Georgia. 139 

tion to make a defence if men should land, and force their 
way through the country ; that there was sufficient provision 
in the fort of all kinds for eight months ; so they had nothing 
to do but to be vigilant against surprises. He left orders for 
the guards, and Mr. M'Intosh, a Scotch gentleman who had 
been several years in the king's service, and Mr. Auspourger 
as engineer to instruct them in their military duty. 

The people in general answered they were under no appre- 
hension, and were willing to die in the defence of the place, 
and were only sorry that he should be exposed without 

He set out by eight of clock for the southward in Captain 
Ferguson's scout boat, and I having finished transcribing the 
letters, Mr. Tanner in about three hours followed him in the 
Georgia scout boat, John Rae, commander. 

We continued unlading the two ships, and bringing every 
thing into the storehouse, which was now finished on the 
outside, but the covering was not yet quite water proof. 

The people were employed in building a wheelwright's 
shop, and a cornhouse, being apprehensive that the Indian 
corn (which is very bulky) and the geer would suffer by being 
exposed to the wet. Several periaguas and boats arrived from 
Savannah with numbers of volunteers on board, they having 
heard many reports by way of Charlestown, and by the In- 
dians, that the Spaniards intended to attack us. And it was 
confidently reported there, that the town was taken and 
Mr. Oglethorpe killed. 

On the 8th, there was a large boat with four pieces of can- 
non, and full of men attempted to come in at Jekyl sound, 
without colors : Ensign Delegal fij-ed to make her bring too 
(and give an account of herself) and to know whether she 
was a pirate, or what she should be, which she did not do, 
but rowed on, at the same time she discovered the Hawk 
sloop in the harbor, and she, instead of coming in, or shew- 
ing colors, ran out to sea, round Jekyl sound, and into Cum- 
berland sound, it being then night, she came pretty near St. 
Andrews before she was discovered ; but being challenged 
by them, a man answered in English, and they rowed away 
with the utmost precipitation. On board this boat, as we 
heard afterwards, was Don Ignatio, with a detachment of the 
Spanish garrison, and as many Indians and boatmen as the 
launch could hold. 

140 A Voyage to Georgia. 

The same afternoon arrived the king of the Uchee Indians, 
in a large periagua, with a great many of his men, and one 
Chevers, a white man who traded amongst them. Arrived 
also Lieutenant Delegal, with the remainder of the independ- 
ent company, with thirteen pieces of cannon belonging to 
them ; he passed on to the sea point. The Indians and the 
volunteers staid for Mr. Oglethorpe's return ; so that we were 
increased in strength. 

On the 9th Mr. Oglethorpe returned. I procured an ac- 
count of his journey from those that went with him as fol- 
lows. " When he set out he went first on board Capt. 
Gascoigne ; he left Ferguson's scout boat, taking with him 
Rae's scout boat, and Capt. Gascoigne's six-oared yawl, on 
board the w^hich was Mr. Moore, Lieutenant of the man-of- 
war, and a crew of very good men. They came to St. An- 
drews in the night, and hastening forward, the next day 
about noon having reached the south end of Cumberland, 
they met the periagua and marine boat at anchor ; there Mr. 
Oglethorpe asking how all went on board, Mr. Hermsdorf 
answering, Well, not to lose time he ordered them to weigh 
anchor and follow him out to sea, the wind being then fair. 
They stood out accordingly ; after they were out at sea the 
wind changing the periagua was not able to reach the south 
end of Amelia, but the scout boat and yawl got into the inlet, 
and waited the next day for the periagua. In the mean time 
stopping at a little creek that fell into the sea, upon the 
ebbing of the water, the men caught more fish with their 
hands, their oars and a sail, for they had no net, than all the 
men on board the three boats and the periagua could eat. 
When the periagua came up, and the men were come on 
shore, Mr. Oglethorpe inquii-ed into the past transactions, 
and having quieted the mutinous humor among the men, 
occasioned by a misunderstanding, fomented only by one of 
them who was punished, they resolved all to do their ut- 
most ; and on the 5th at noon, arrived at St. George's. 

"He immediately landed, and viewing the ground, found 
but very little cleared, but there was a mount just upon the 
edge of the river, which was salt water, and the ruins of a 
rampart and ditch about twenty-five or thirty foot from the 
bottom of the ditch to the top of the ruined rampart. There 
was upon the top of the hill another mount cast up by 
hands, like the bulwarks with which they fortified in Queen 

j1 Voyage to Georgia. 141 

Elizabeth's time, from whence the hill descended on one 
side to the water ; from thence, if the woods were cleared, 
one could overlook the inside of the island ; and from this 
bulwark you could also see the Spanish look-out, and dis- 
cover, far into the ocean, for it overlooks Talbot island, 
which is narrow in that place, and lies between that and the 
sea. They immediately mounted one piece of cannon, on 
the lower mount bulwark, which commanded the river, and 
a couple of swivel guns on the upper mount ; several of the 
men were set to clearing, in order to judge better of the 

"Leaving Mr. Hermsdorf with the periagua and marine 
boat, Mr. Oglethorpe set out with the scout boat and yawl 
for the Spanish side, carrying a t^ag of truce in order to in- 
quire what was become of Major Richard and Mr. Horton 
and his men. There was nobody at the Spanish look-out ; 
they rowed up to a palmetto hut. Mr. Oglethorpe went 
ashore about a musket shot from it, and climbing one of the 
sand hills, to see if there were any people, he ordered Mr. 
Tanner and four youths that belonged to him to come on 
shore, making the boats to keep at a grappling, to prevent 
being surprised, in case of accidents. He sent forward the 
white flag, and having examined well into the country, he 
passed through a little wood into an open savannah. There 
was nobody in the palmetto hut, nor could they discover any 
men, finding only two horses tied with hobbles amongst the 
sand hills. He staid upon a rising ground, from whence he 
could see both the boats and the savannah, and sent one of 
his lads with a white flag, as far down the Savannah as he 
could keep him in sight ; to see if he could draw any peo- 
ple to a conference, but nobody appearing, he called in his 
servants in order to return. A boy named Frazier was not 
yet come back, for whom he staid, and in a httle dme saw 
him returning through the wood, driving before him a tall 
man with a musket upon his shoulder, two pistols stuck in 
his girdle, and a long sword and a short sword. Frazier 
coming up to Mr. Oglethorpe said, ' Here sir, I have caught 
a Spaniard for you.' Mr. Oglethorpe treated this man civ- 
illy, gave him wine and victuals, and asked concerning Ma- 
jor Richard and Mr. Horton ; on which the fellow pulled out 
a letter, which he said was from Mr. Horton, whom the 
Governor of St. Augustine had put under arrest, as also 

142 .^ Voyage to Georgia. 

Major Richard. The man said, he had watched some days 
for an opportunity to deliver the letter. Mr. Oglethorpe 
rewarded him well, and appointed to send him an answer 
by the next day at noon to the same place, which he agreed 
to come to receive. He would have given him a letter to 
the Governor of Augustine, but the man said that none 
could be carried, for that a troop of horse under the com- 
mand of Don Pedro kept all the passages, so that all letters 
must go to him. They returned to St. George's. Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe had great fires made on Talbot island, another on St. 
George's, each a mile below the fort, and another a mile and 
half in the woods ; so that any boat coming up the river, 
between them and the fort, would be discovered by the light 
of them. That night the men lay upon their arms, strict 
sentries were kept, the seamen having the charge of the 
lower mount, and Mr. Hermsdorf's men of the upper. There 
were sentries placed tw^o hundred yards into the woods 
every way, and either Mr. Hermsdorf or Mr. Oglethorpe 
kept going the rounds all night. One scout boat was an- 
chored near half a mile below them, and the marine boat 
near half a mile above, to watch the river. 

" On the 6th, before day break, all hands set to cut down 
the wood, and with it they raised barricades from the upper 
mount to the lower ; and all trees that were fit for it they 
cut into palisades by eight of the clock. Mr. Oglethorpe 
ordered seven shots to be fired out of the two several guns, 
which for that purpose were ordered to be carried farther into 
the woods ; and then at a moderate distance of time five 
shots to be fired out of the four pounder, which also was 
hauled into the wood, and the muzzle turned another way, 
that the flash might not be discovered from the Spanish look- 
out : this seemed to be guns from different distances ; for 
the small report of the swivel guns made them appear further 
off, and the four pounders to be nearer ; so that it appeared 
to be a ship saluting at some distance behind the island, and 
that returned by a forte. At ten of the clock Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe stood down with the scout boat, and Lieutenant Moore 
in the yawl, with the marine boat in company ; they went to 
the Spanish main, but did not see the Spaniard at the place 
appointed, but discovered some horsemen that were conceal- 
ed behind the sand hills. Mr. Oglethorpe would not suffer 
the boats to go near where there was any shelter, but to go to 

A Voyage to Georgia. 143 

the landing place, where there was a plain sand for a musket 
shot round. There we made signals carrying a flag of truce, 
but nobody would appear. After that, some horsemen made 
signals two miles below, but there was a close brushy wood 
just behind them, which made it not proper to trust the boats 
there. Whilst they were looking at these horsemen, Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe discovered something which looked like a bank with 
pelicans upon it ; but looking more attentively he saw it was a 
launch full of men, lying under the shelter of a sand bank, near 
the mouth of the riVer St. John's, within shot of which bank he 
must have passed to come to the place where the horsemen 
had made the signals. There was a strong tide of ebb, and 
if the boat had stood down to the horsemen, the Spaniards 
might have cut them off from returning, since they must have 
rowed up against tide, and she "would have been above them. 
Mr. Oglethorpe, upon this, asked Mr. Moore if he was for 
examining the launch first, which Mr. Moore readily agreed 
to, and Mr. Oglethorpe sent off the marine boat, to order the 
periagua to weigh anchor and come down directly. As soon 
as the marine boat was gone ofi' from them, they rowed to- 
wards the launch : as they came nearer, the men who be- 
fore had kept themselves so low that they could only see 
their heads, started up at once and rowed out to sea. Upon 
this the two boats stopped, that they might not be carried 
too far down with the ebb, and put in where the horsemen 
were, but would not go within danger of an ambuscade from 
the bushes or sand hills. Upon which two horsemen came 
up to the open point of a level sand, where Mr. Oglethorpe 
had before made the signals. The boat rowing up to them, 
Mr. Oglethorpe had a conference with one of them, a gentle- 
man dressed in blue and very w^ell mounted : he sent letters 
on shore to him, which he promised to deliver, and that he 
should have an answer in a day's time. The boats returned 
to St. George's, and meeting the periagua, which was come 
half way towards them, as soon as they landed they fell all to 
work, Mr. Oglethorpe as well as the rest : he marked out the 
ground for the fort enclosing the lower mount, and joining it 
to the upper mount by a hne of palisadoes, marking it out, 
as also where the breastworks should be ; and clearing the 
old ditches, palisading the breaches and the rampart ; having 
begun by palisading the side towards the water. 

"Having staid for the Spaniards' answer till the 8th in the 

144 A Voyage to Georgia. 

evening, and it not arriving, Mr. Oglethorpe and Mr. Moore 
set out in Capt. Gascoigne's yawl, leaving all the other boats 
and men at St. George's under the command of Mr. Herms- 
dorf. He landed on the main, and there made great fires 
in different places, which could be seen as far as the Span- 
ish look-out; Mr. Hermsdorf having been ordered to do 
the same at several places on St. George's island. After 
which they went down to the north end of Talbot island, 
and there set all the wood on fire, which also could be seen 
from the Spanish look-out ; they slept some hours upon 
the sea sand, and about an hour before day-break, the wea- 
ther being boisterous, and the boat rather overloaded, they 
set several of the men on shore upon the south end of 
Amelia, ordering them to march along thq sand beach, to 
the north end. Mr. Oglethorpe then went out to sea with 
the yawl, and got into the opening between Cumberland 
and Amelia, where they took in the men ; and rowing all 
day, passed St. Andrews, and a violent storm of thunder, 
lightning and rain overtook them in Cumberland sound, the 
weather growing so dark that they could not see any land ; 
notwithstanding which they still rowed on, and got that 
night on board the Hawk. Mr. Oglethorpe having first 
spoke to Capt. Gascoigne went forward to Frederica, where 
he arrived three hours after midnight." 

On the 10th, he found here the Uchee Mico with his men, 
and the others which waited his arrival. He wrote a great 
number of letters, upon this new situation of affairs, which 
confirmed all the reports of the Spaniards beginning to 
commit hostilities against us. It was necessary therefore to 
stop them nearer home, and for that purpose to make the 
great push at St. George's ; since whilst we held that pas- 
sage from the river St. John's, it was difficult for them to 
come in open boats to us, there being forty miles from St. 
Augustine to St. John's, where they can have no port, but 
must keep out at sea, where every squall is dangerous, but 
from St. John's there is a passage through channels, within 
the islands as far as Charlestown. If open boats could not 
come up, ships would be very cautious of venturing in upon 
an unknown coast. 

Mr. Oglethorpe therefore prepared for the supporting of 
St. George's, being resolved to have those of his men who 
were prisoners at Augustine brought back to him. 

Jl Voyage to Georgia. 1 45 

If the Spaniards could arm the Florida Indians, or have 
gained the upper Creeks, it would have been of great dan- 
ger to the colony ; for the Floridas amount to several thou- 
sand men ; but they have few or no fire arms. The next 
danger was from the troops which would have come from 
Havannah. As there was no more provisions at Augustine 
than what was necessary for the people already there, there- 
fore if they could be prevented from receiving such supplies, 
a lai'ge number of men from Havannah would be of no 
service to them, if we could spin out a defence till their pro- 
vision were wasted. To obtain these two purposes Mr. 
Oglethorpe first wrote to the lieutenant governor of Carolina, 
advice of the Spaniards' intention to provide themselves 
with arms and ammunition and Indian presents, at Charles- 
town, W'hich was the only place they could have them from 
time enough to do us any mischief; and therefore desired 
him to hinder the exportation of them. 

At the same time he wrote to Mr. Eveleigh, a public spirit- 
ed man and a merchant in Charlestown, that if the Governor 
and Council of Carolina could not prevent the sending out 
arms, ammunition, &c. that he should buy up what was in 
town, and thereby prevent the Spaniards from being at pre- 
sent supplied with them. 

He also wrote to the Governor at New York on account 
of this matter, that he might take such measures for his 
majesty's service as his prudence should direct ; the Span- 
iards expecting to be supplied with flour and other provisions 
from their correspondents at that place. 

On the 1 1th Toma Chi Chi Mico, with HyllispiUi his chief 
war captain, newly came' from the Indian nation, and who 
had been with him in England, and a great many other war- 
riors arrived here ; as also Mrs. Musgrove and her brother, 
an half Indian called Griffin, and several other Indians. 

The Uchee Indian king and his people had a conference 
with Mr. Oglethorpe ; they had taken some disgust at this 
colony, by reason of an indiscreet action of one of the 
Saltzburghers, who had cleared and planted four acres of 
land beyond the Ebenezer river, contrary to Mr. Oglethorpe's 
order, and without his knowledge; they had also turned their 
cattle over the river, some of which had strayed aw'ay and 
eat the Uchee's corn twenty miles above Ebenezer. But 
what vexed the Uchees most was, that some of the Carolina 

146 - A Voyage to Georgia. 

people swam a great herd of cattle over Savannah river, 
sent up negroes and began a plantation on the Georgia side, 
not far from the lichee's town. Mr Oglethorpe had heard 
these matters from Toma Chi Chi, and had given orders for 
the remedy of them, as I mentioned before. 

The Uchee king in the conference said, that he came to 
give him thanks, for having ordered back the cattle, and 
sent away the negroes, which he did on his first arrival ; and 
then told him, that he having done them justice before they 
asked it, made them love him, and not believe the stories 
that were told them against him; and that instead of begin- 
ning a war with the English, they were come down to help 
him against the Spaniards ; and if they wanted them they 
would bring fourscore more of their warriors, and stay with 
him a whole year. 

All hands were employed in putting on board arms, am- 
munition, tools, &c., for St. George's: and on the 12th Mr. 
Oglethorpe set out accompanied by Toma Chi Chi Mico 
and his Indians, by the lichees, and a body of white men, 
with stores of all kinds. Toma Chi Chi and his men went 
in their boats. 

Nothing material happened whilst Mr. Oglethorpe was 
absent, only that I made an end of unloading the two ships, 
James, Captain Yokely, and the Peter and James, Captain 
Dymond, settled their accounts and discharged them. Lieu- 
tenant Delegal was now with the whole independent com- 
pany at the sea point, and the man-of-war sloop so anchored 
as to secure the entry from Jekyl sound, and the store- 
house being then finished, we therefore could discharge 
the ships which hitherto had served both for store-houses 
and guard ships. The colony was chiefly taken up with pre- 
paring for their defence, Mr. M'Intosh exercising the men daily. 

On the 14th, at night, to our great joy Mr. Horton arrived 
at Frederica from among the Spaniards, and gave us an ac- 
count that he had met Mr. Oglethorpe at sea, and that he 
would be very soon back. He told me " that at his arrival 
at St. George's Point, in April last, he sent over to the Span- 
iards' look-out, expecting to find horses there, according to 
the governor's appointment, but there being none, nor no 
guard, nor persons to be seen, after having expected them 
four days in vain, and Major Richard having no means of 
sending advice to the Governor of Augustine of his arrival, 

A Voyage to Georgia, 147 

Mr. Horton offered to go, and set out on foot with two ser- 
vants. The Sunday he left the Spanish look-out, he arrived 
at Augustine, being upwards of forty miles ; the way he 
walked lay all along the sea shore, one servant kept up with 
him, the other not being able to hold out. There is a river 
runs near the castle of Augustine, which must be passed by 
those who go from the Spanish look-out: he arrived at the 
river within sight of the castle about four in the evening, and 
fired his gun several times for a boat to come, and carry him 
over; at last one came, and carrying him over, he was con- 
ducted to the governor, who received him very civilly. From 
whence he went to Don Carlos Dempsey's house, who went 
immediately to the governor's house, to desire a party might 
be sent out to fetch in the man who was left behind ; for at 
that time the Spaniards were so apprehensive of the Indians, 
that they did not venture to go over the river, but in bodies. 
The governor granted his request, and the next day ordered 
a detachment for him, who found and carried him to Don 
Carlos's house, who applied also for horses to fetch up Ma- 
jor Richard from the look-out ; which were accordingly sent. 
" They were received very civilly by the Governor, and 
with the greatest joy by the people, who looked upon them 
as the messengers of their deUverance, for bringing them the 
news that the English boats patrol upon the river, to hinder 
the barbarous Indians from passing and molesting them. 
Major Richard and Mr. Horton waited for the Governor's 
answer to Mr. Oglethorpe's letter, which was daily promised 
them. One night, being invited, they w^ent to a general 
dancing, at the house of the Governor's interpreter, where 
they stayed till three o'clock in the morning ; when they 
returned they went to bed, and before they awaked, about 
eight o'clock the same morning, Diego Paulo, Town Major, 
came from the Governor to Don Carlos Dempsey with a file 
of musketeers, and acquainted him with the Spaniards' false 
pretence, which was, that Major Richard, Mr. Horton, and 
their servants, had that very morning been taking a plan of 
their town and castle, (though they having sat up late and 
were then abed) the Governor had sent a Serjeant and 
twelve men to make them prisoners, one sentry being set at 
the foot, and another at the head of the staii's. The Town 
Major then told Don Carlos that he needed to fear nothing, 
but was at liberty to come and go as he always had done 
since his arrival there. 

148 Jl Voyage to Georgia. 

"The same morning about ten, the Governor came to 
Don Carlos's lodging, accompanied by some officers and the 
public scrivener of the garrison, and having sat down, began 
a formal information and examination of Major Richard. 
The Governor asked him what brought him there : he an- 
swered, that he was come pursuant to his promise to his 
Excellency of returning to him with letters from Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe. He then asked where Mr. Oglethorpe was 1 He 
answered, he could not tell where he then was, but he had 
left him at Frederica. Upon which he asked, what fortifi- 
cations and number of men were at Frederica ? To which 
the Major answered, he did not know. He then asked what 
fortifications and number of men were at Jekyl sound, Cum- 
berland island, Amelia island and St. John's ? To which 
the Major answered the same as before. Whereupon the 
Governor retired ; and some time after sent for the Major to 
his house. He then examined Mr. Horton to the strength 
of Georgia ; but he refused to give them any answer ; upon 
which they threatened to send him to the mines. To which 
he answered, that he was a subject of Great Britain, and his 
sovereign was powerful enough to do him justice. 

The next day, upon Don Carlos's application, the guards 
were taken off, he undertaking for them, and promising upon 
honor, that they should not walk about the town, nor leave 
it without his Excellency's permission. Some days after, 
they sent out Don Ignation Rosso, lieutenant colonel of the 
garrison, with a detachment of it in a large boat called a 
launch: he staid out about five days, and returned extremely 
fatigued, the men having rowed the skin off their hands ; 
and reported that the islands w^ei'e all fortified, and full of 
men and armed boats. After this, Don Carlos spoke to the 
governor, bishop, and the rest of the officers, a council of w^ar 
was called, and it was resolved to send back Major Richard, 
Mr. Horton, and the other men ; and also letters of civility 
to Mr. Oglethorpe, with Don Carlos Dempsey, Don Pedro 
Lamberto, captain of horse, and Don Manuel D'Arcy, ad- 
jutant of the garrison, and to desire friendship. Mr. Horton 
was accordingly released, arrived at St. George's from 
whence he came in a boat manned with his own servants, 
and meeting Mr. Oglethorpe at sea, as above mentioned, he 
had sent him forwards to have the Spaniards received on 
board Capt. Gascoigne (they being on the way in a launch) 

A Voyage to Georgia. 149 

that they might not get any information either of our strength 
or situation. 

"Mr. Oglethorpe returned on the 17th. On leaving this 
place he went first on board Capt. Gascoigne's ship, and from 
thence proceeded to Qumberland, where landing at St. An- 
drews, he took on board Capt. Hugh Mackay. The 13th, 
in the evening, the periagua in which Mr. Mackay was on 
board grounded near the south of Cumberland, and getting 
her off on the 14th, they stood to sea on the outside of 
Amelia: the weather being rough, the Indian canoes landed 
several men, that they might be the better able to bear the 
w^eather, for they were too much thronged to bear the sea. 
They saw a boat, and making up to it, found it to be Mr. 
Horton returned from the Spaniards. At the south end 
of Amelia Mr. Oglethorpe (the scout boat being foremost) 
saw a launch coming down from St. George's, bearing up 
to her; she hoisted Spanish colors, and challenging her, 
they found she had Don Carlos Dempsey and Spanish 
Commissaries aboard her. Mr. Oglethorpe, to avoid the 
ceremony which must have passed on his owning himself 
there, and which would have prevented his going to St. 
George's, caused Mr. Mackay to speak to them without 
going on board : he advised them to come to an anchor, till 
a safe-guard should be sent to them, for that the country 
was full of Indians. They accordingly did so ; in a very 
short time after Mr. Oglethorpe met with Rae's scout boat, 
and putting Mr. Tanner on board her, together with a jar of 
wine, and other refreshments, bade them go on board the 
Spaniards ; and ordered Mr. Tanner to take care and ac- 
quaint the Indians not to molest them, and to desire Capt. 
Gascoigne to entertain them till his return. Mr. Oglethorpe 
lay at a grappling till he should see the boat join her. The 
Indians, who were by this time come up, some by land and 
some by water, seeing a Spanish launch, some of the boats 
went to shore to take in those who came by land, but Toma 
Chi Chi with the great boat in which he was, bore up to- 
wards her ; the other Indian canoes, as fast as they could 
get their men on shore, rowed after him ; but Mr. Tanner 
being on board letting him know that they were friends, he 
followed Mr. Oglethorpe, who soon after arrived at St. 
George's, where he met Major Richard, who had staid there. 
All the men and stores being arrived, he gave the best 
directions that short time would permit, and using the 


150 A Voyage lo Georgia. 

utmost diligence, returned to Frederica in order to receive 
the Spaniards, but being obliged to pass by the man-of-war, 
on board of which the Spaniards already wei-e, by making 
certain signals, their boat came off to him, and he went by 
without being remarked by the Spaniards, who were re- 
ceived in a very handsome manner by Capt. Gascoigne." 

As soon as he came back he sent Ensign Mackay up to 
Darien, that he might return with some of the genteelest 
Highlanders, and be present at the conference. Then he 
ordered two handsome tents lined with Chinese, with mar- 
quises and walls of canvass, to be sent down and pitched 
upon Jekyl island, and also a present of refreshments, and 
two gentlemen to acquaint them, that he would wait upon 
them the next day. 

The 18th Mr. Oglethorpe, with seven horses and men 
upon them (which were all we had) went down to the sea- 
point, that the Spaniards might see that there were men and 
horses there. At his setting out a number of cannons were 
fired, which they also could hear at Jekyl island. When he 
arrived at the point, the independent company was under 
arms, being drawn up in one line at double distances to 
make them appear a larger number to the Spaniards, who 
lay upon Jekyl island. The independent company saluting 
him with their cannon, managing them so as to seem to have 
many more guns by re-loading. Capt. Gascoigne came 
with his boat and two scout boats, and he going with Capt. 
Gascoigne on board his boat, the other attending, landed on 
Jekyl island. He welcomed the Spanish officers and made 
a compliment to them, making them presents of some re- 
freshments : and Capt. Gascoigne invited them to dinner on 
board the Hawk sloop the next day, where Mr. Oglethorpe 
told them he would receive their message. 

The 19th Ensign Mackay arrived on board the man-of-war 
with the Highlanders, and a detachment of the independent 
company in their regimentals lined the one side of the ship, 
as the Highlanders with their broad swords, targets, plaids, 
&c. did the other. The sailors manned all the shrouds, and 
the rest of the ship, and kept sentries at the cabin door with 
drawn cutlasses. The Spanish Commissaries were very 
handsomely entertained ; and after dinner delivered their 
messages in writing. 

They drank the healths of the King of Great Britain and 
the royal family, as Mr. Oglethorpe did those of the King 

A Voyage to Georgia, 151 

and Queen of Spain. The cannons of the ship fired, which 
were answered (as before agreed upon) by such cannon as 
were within hearing. Next day they were entertained in 
like manner, and had long conferences with Mr. Oglethorpe. 

On the 21st he gave them their answer. They made him 
some presents of snuff, chocolate, &c. and he returned them 
very handsome ones. All the time they were there, we sent 
down sheep, hogs, and poultry, with garden stuff in plenty 
for all their men, as also butter, cheese, wine, beer, and all 
other refreshments. 

Toma Chi Chi, Hyllispilli, and near thirty of the chiefest 
Indians, being returned from the southward, came on board, 
painted and dressed as they are for war; Hyllispilli demanded 
justice for killing the Indians, and other outrages. The Span- 
ish Commissary, Don Pedro, knowing some of the facts, but 
seeming to doubt the rest, he having his interpreter, who 
spoke Indian, Spanish, and Enghsh ; and the English having 
theirs, who spoke Indian and good English. The Indians 
proved, that a party of forty Spaniards and Indians, had fallen 
upon some of their nation, who then lay depending upon 
the general peace between the Spaniards, the Indians and 
the English, without suspicion, and consequently without 
guard : that thus surprised several were killed and several 
were taken : that they murdered the boys who were taken, 
by dashing out their brains, as also the wounded men. Don 
Pedro, struck with horror at the cruelty, asking how they 
could knov/ this, they produced a young Indian who was 
wounded upon that occasion, the scar of which he shewed : 
he said that he escaped in the confusion by lying close 
amongst some bushes ; that he followed them for two days, 
hiding himself in the thickets, and seeing all that had passed, 
intending if any had straggled to revenge himself upon them. 
They farther said, that an Indian who had been on that party 
bragged of it at St. Marks, to one of the upper Creeks who 
went down to trade there with the Spaniards: at the same 
time saying, that they were sent out from Augustine, which 
the Indians said was so known a thing that it could not be 
denied. Upon this Mr. Oglethorpe desired Don Pedro to 
represent this to the Governor of Augustine, for that he 
should expect satisfaction to be given to them for this insult, 
they being subjects to the King of Great Britain. What 
Mr, Oglethorpe said was interpreted to the Indians. On 
which Hyllispilli said, he hoped Mr. Oglethorpe would go 

152 A Vo2jage to Georgia. 

with them, and then he should see what they could do to 
the Spaniards, but if he would not go with them, they would 
go by themselves and take revenge. 

When this happened (said he) I was gone with you to 
England ; had I not been with you this would not have hap- 
pened ; for had I been there, my men should not have been 
so surprised. You will go with me, and you shall see how 
I will punish them, but if you will not help me, I have friends 
enough that will 2:0 with me to revenue the murder. At 
which all the young Indians gave a shout. 

Don Pedro said that there was a party of Indians which 
he knew went from the neighborhood of Ausfustine, but that 
they were not Spaniards : that he himself at that time was at 
Mexico, on a message from the governor : that such cruelty 
must be abhorred by every Christian ; and that he would 
take it upon him that the people who had committed it should 
be punished : that the Pohoia king of the Floridas was the 
man who commanded that party ; and that if he ever came 
into Augustine, so as the Spaniards could secure him, the 
governor and council of war should punish him as his cruelty 
deserved ; and if he came not within their power they would 
banish him. 

To this Hyllispilli said, We hear what you say ; when we 
see it done we will believe you. Toma Chi Chi persuaded 
them to be contented. Ympeachy added, that he supposed 
there would be notice given to the Pohoia king not to come 
into Augustine ; but if he does not, there is no other place 
in Florida where he shall be safe from our revenge. 

This night a party of Indians coming up from the south- 
ward, landed on Jekyl island, and were going to attack the 
Spaniards, with whom they began to quarrel, by taking their 
victuals from them ; but the Spaniards quietly retired from it. 
Notwithstanding which the Indians were going to fall upon * 
them, and were with great difficulty prevented from it. 

The Spaniards set out on the 22dj very well satisfied with 
their reception. Don Pedro Lamberto is a little man of very 
good sense and well bred ; he never was in Europe. He 
was born in Florida, his father being captain general of it : 
he has great herds of cattle in Florida, and a house not far 
distant from Augustine, which is fortified : he hath an estate 
in Mexico, and is captain of a troop of horse which belongs 
to the garrison, the appointments of which amount to about 
two thousand pieces of eight per annum. 









The many reports, which have been industriously propa- 
gated to the disadvantage of the Colony of Georgia, call for 
an inquiry into the reasons and validity of them ; especially 
at this dme, when the importance of the Province is so ne- 
cessary to be known. And this inquiry will be made in the 
plainest manner, as there is no intention to amuse or deceive 
the public, but only to lay the naked truth before them ; or 
to persuade them into an opinion of the colony ; but wath re- 
gard to the general interest of Great Britain. The principal 
objections consist of the following particulars, viz. 

1. That the climate is unhealthy. 

2. That the soil is barren. 

3. That no produces for trade can be raised in it. 

4. That the lands were granted upon improper tenures 
and conditions. 

5. That it will be impracticable to render the colony of 
any value, without the use of negroes. 

These objections will be considered in order ; and as the 
first three oi" them relate to matters of fact about the country, 

154 ^n Impartial Inquiry, S^'c. 

they will be truly stated, and the answers to them will be 
chiefly collected from the evidence of persons who have been 
in the province ; and the evidence itself will be annexed in 
an Appendix, as it was delivered upon oath before a magis- 
trate in Georgia, or before some of the masters in Chancery 
here. The affidavits which were made before the masters 
in Chancery, are none of them confined to any particular 
points ; they branch out into several, as the business or cu- 
riosity of the deponents led them into an obsei'vation of 
them ; and where they speak of the same things, they agree. 

In answer to the last objection, I shall show, from his ma- 
jesty's royal charter, the first design of the establishment, and 
how inconsistent neoroes are with it, as likewise with the 
w elfare of Georgia ; and if Georgia should receive them how 
prejudicial they would be to South Carolina : how needless 
also they were for the products which are designed to be 
raised there ; and in support of the arguments, a petition will 
be added, of many of the inhabitants against them, in the 

In the last place I shall endeavor to make appear, upon 
the oaths of experienced persons, the goodness and great 
importance of the harbors, and then give some account of 
the present state of the colony. 

But first it may be requishe to take notice, that the ob- 
jections have been raised by different sorts of people, from 
their different views ; but none of these views seem to have 
been directed towards the true interest either of Great Bri- 
tain or the province itself. 

The agents of the Court of Spain have from the begin- 
ning been industrious to make it thought of no importance 
to us, perhaps from a true and just sense of how much use 
it might be to them. They seemed to think, that, by under- 
valuing, they should make Great Britain more negligent of 
it, and more ready to give it up on demand. But by this 
demand they have given a proof of its value, and a strong 
argument for our preserving it. The late Spanish minister 
Geraldino has often declared, that his master would as soon 
part with JMadrid, as with his claim to Georgia. The king of 
Spain did claim it by a memorial from ]Monsie\n' Geraldino, 
September 21, 1736, and an armament was sent to Cuba, at a 
great expense, in the beginning of the year 1737, to take by 
force what they had represented as a barren, useless spot. 

Jin Impartial Inquiry^ Sj'c. 155 

Some of the objections have taken their birth from the dis- 
content of a few of the persons who were sent thither, but 
principally from others of a superior rank, who went at their 
own expense. These, being too sanguine in their hopes, or 
idle in their dispositions, formed romantic scenes of happiness, 
and imagined they could find the conveniences and plea- 
sures of life without any labor or toil. They did not con- 
sider the hardships inseparable from the first settlement of a 
new country, uncultivated, and consequently requiring indus- 
try and time, before it could afford them necessaries : there- 
fore, finding themselves disappointed, they grew uneasy in 
their situation, and for their uneasiness would assign some 
plausible excuse. 

The difficulties which attend the beginning of a setde- 
ment, are very great, especially beginning it with low and 
necessitous people. It is hard to form these into society, 
and reduce them to a proper obedience to the laws. They 
always repine at the preferment of any of their own body to 
be magistrates over them, and they think every regulation a 
grievance, how mild soever it may be, or evidently for their 

As they have never been used to look forward, they live 
but to the present day, and are unwilling to labor for any 
thing but an immediate subsistence; they start at any diffi- 
culties near, and are disheartened from attempting at any 
profits which may be distant. In short, as Lord Bacon says, 
* " They consume provisions, grow weary of the place, and 
then write over to the prejudice and discredit of the plan- 

Nothing has been omitted for the welfare of the people, 
and to give them a spirit of industry. They were sent over 
in convenient transports, where such regard was had to their 
provisions and accommodation, that out of upwards of fifteen 
hundred natives and foreigners, who have been sent at the 
public charge, above six have not died in the passage. They 
were furnished with clothing and provisions for some years. 
They were likewise supplied with arms for their defence, 
working tools for their labor, a stock of cattle, and seeds of 
all kinds for their lands, which were judged proper for the 

• Lord Bacon's Essays, vol. 3, page 349. 

156 An Impartial Inquiry, See. 

As the reader may perhaps be early in starting the follow- 
ing objection, Why was not more care taken in the choice of 
the persons who were sent 1 It may be proper here to ob- 
serve, that the intention was to make the settlement princi- 
pally with those, who were a burden on the public at home. 
And though it was apprehended, that many of them would 
still continue idle, yet it was not doubted, but some would, 
as they do, prove industrious, and lay a foundation for foreign 
protestants and others to join them ; and the Charity was 
confined to those, who were most indigent in town, it being 
thought not so proper to take people from the plough, or the 
necessary labors of the country, though these would have 
been more useful to the province. 

As the objectors before mentioned have propagated the 
reports to the discredit of the Province ; many have been 
too easy in their belief of them, and perhaps from a sincere 
regard to the public. They have seen no great quantity of 
any produce; and therefore have concluded that none can 
be raised. But besides the particular disadvantages, under 
which Georgia has labored, by the continued alarms of dan- 
ger from the Spaniards ; and by the necessity the people 
were under to fortify themselves, as well as clear their lands, 
build their houses, and raise a subsistence ; it ought to be 
considered, that none of our most beneficial colonies have 
yielded any early profit. This has depended on, and must 
be owing to an increase of the people. Experience has 
always justified it, as the reason of it is obvious. Lord Ba- 
con makes the following wise observation:* "Planting of 
colonies is like planting of woods, for you must make an ac- 
count to lose almost twenty years profit, and expense your 
recompense in the end. The principal thing that has been 
the destruction of most plantations, has been the sordid and 
hasty catching at profit in the first years. It is true, quick 
returns are not to be neglected, so far as consists with the 
good of the plantation, but no farther." Lord Bacon formed 
this judgment upon the most solid reasons, and he wrote 
this, upon observing people too sanguine in their expecta- 
tions, and too ready to condemn upon the first disappoint- 
ment of them. Virginia struggled long in her infancy, before 
she grew to any strength ; many more years, than Georgia 

* Lord Bacon's Essays, vol. 3, p. 34(1. 

An Impartial Inqumj, See. 157 

has been established, had past before any returns were made 
for the great sums which had been expended. Those, who 
were impatient, not seeing them so soon as they expected, 
raised and fomented clamors against its establishment. They 
declaimed upon the improbability of its success, and the ill 
consequences of drawing people from England only to per- 
ish for want. By letters from* discontented persons there, 
and by others who were too credulous here, it was repre- 
sented as a barren and unprofitable country. These clamors 
spread, and prevailed, as time advanced unladen with any 
profits. Three several contributions (of large sums too) 
were made by the first undertakers. One of them amounted 
to near* £40,000, a very considerable sum in those days. 
For above forty years no great improvements were made, 
and till fthe government undei-took to carry it on, and pro- 
moted it with vigor, it continued in the same languishing 
condition. But if they had been intimidated with the 
clamors, and had despaired of the little prospect of suc- 
cess in the spring of their undertaking, they had lost the 
harvest of their hopes and labor, and England had been 
deprived of what has proved one of her richest mines. But 
to proceed to the objections ; and, 

1. That the climate is unhealthy. 

The reverse of this has been found by the people even 
in their first settling, in both parts of the Province, and this 
was the time of trial. No general illness has at any time 
prevailed there, (even when South Carolina has suffered 
by them) unless when rum and other spirituous liquors have 
stolen into the Province. By drinking of rum to an excess 
one year, many of the people were thrown into burning 
fevers, which carried off several, and that was the cause as 
they confessed at their deaths. The flux is a distemper to 
which new comers in most countries are liable, and some of 
the people in Georgia had it. But it was chiefly owing to 
the want of reflection, how requisite it is for men to regulate 
their diet and manner of living, in a different way in the 
latitude of thirty-one, from that which they were accustomed 
to in the latitude of fifty-one, in which they may safely eat 
and drink those things, which, if indulged in Georgia, would 

* Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affairs of Virginia. By his Majes- 
ty's Council for Virginia. London, 1G30. 
t Keith's History of Virginia. 

1 58 An Impartial Inquiry , 8fc. 

give them a fever, and consequently a flux. The *heat in 
Georgia is not greater than in the southern parts of Europe, 
and there is almost constantly in summer a refreshing breeze 
from the sea, from eight in the morning till twelve, and from 
three or four till sun-setting, and the night afterwards is free 
from those faint and gloomy heats which are so troublesome 
in some places. What must contribute to the healthiness of 
the place, is the great quantity of fine running water ; for 
besides the large rivers there are many rivulets, and num- 
berless springs of water, which is sweet, clear, and cool. 
As the swamps come to be drained and cultivated, and the 
woods to be thinned or cleared, the country will conse- 
quently grow still more healthful. But to proceed to the 
second objection, which has been more generally and indus- 
triously propagated. 

2. That the soil is barren. 

The land has been found barren only by those, who 
would not take any pains or labor to make it fruitful. The 
soil is different, as the land is divided into high and lower 
grounds. It consists of four sorts generally speaking, which 
are distinguished and commonly known by the names of 
pine-barren ; oak and hickory, or mixt land ; savannah, and 

Pine-barren. This is so called from the pines growing 
on it, with scarce any other sorts of timber ; and the soil, 
being dry and sandy, will not produce grain like the other 
lands. However there is a grass upon it, which feeds abun- 
dance of cattle. This being high is found a healthy situa- 
tion, and the houses are generally built upon it. 

Oak and Hickory, or Mixt Land. There is the usual pro- 
portion of this sort, as in the neighboring provinces. It is 
not so high as the pine-barren, nor so low as the swamps. 
It takes the name of oak and hickory from the great number 
of those trees growing on it, not but there is a variety of 
others among them. It has a clay bottom, which in hot 
countries is esteemed the best, as it keeps the roots of trees, 
&,c. cook It is covered with a fine mould, is light and works 
easy, and most things, which are planted on it, answer very 
well even in the first year. It fproduces, when cuUivated, 
Indian corn, potatoes, peas, wheat, barley and rye with great 

• Appendix, No. 1. t Appendix, No. 2. 

An Impartial Inquiry, Sfc. 159 

increase, asparagus, cauliflowers, cabbage, carrots, and all 
sorts ot" garden stufT in abundance : likewise vines, black 
and white mulberries, apples, peaches, figs, and most kinds 
of fruits that grow in England ; besides many other very 
useful ones, as oranges, olives, pomegranates, watermelons, 
&,c. which will not thrive in our colder climate. 

Savannah Land. This is extremely proper for husband- 
ry ; a strong grass grows naturally upon it, and by frequent 
burning, the grass becomes finer, and makes a very good 
hay for foddering catde in the winter. This runs generally 
upon a level, and sometimes into large parcels of five hun- 
dred acres, and upwards ; is free from wood, and is always 
well supplied with springs of water. 

Swamps are of two sorts. — The Cypress. They are so 
called from that sort of tree growing in them ; there, is excel- 
lent land when cleared, but being the lowest, is difficult to 
drain and cultivate, and must be a work of time and labor. 

The Cane. These when cleared (which is done with 
ease) and cultivated, have a land which is extremely rich, 
being a black and greasy mould ; and many things grow on 
it beyond imagination. Rice particularly thrives the best in 
these swamps. 

The land is so far from being barren, or even bad, that the 
greatest part of it is fruitful and productive of almost every 
thing requisite for subsistence. And the experience already 
made by some in the colony, is the best proof how well 
people may subsist by their labor. 

Besides the indigent from England, many foreign Protest- 
ants and Highlanders were sent to the colony ; these being 
accustomed to hardship and labor, were not afraid of it in 
Georgia, and they live by it very comfortably. In the town 
of New Inverness in Darien, in the southern part of the 
Province, the Highlanders are settled ; they at first applied 
themselves with success, to the raising of corn, and have 
since taken to feeding of cattle, as yielding a more immediate 
profit, on account of supplying General Oglethoi'pe's regi- 
ment, and the shipping with fresh beef. In the town of Eb- 
enezer, situated in the northern part of the province, the 
Saltzburghers are planted. They are a sober and industri- 
ous people, and do at present reap the fruits of their * in- 

* Appendix, No. 3. 

160 An Impartial Inquiry, Sfc. 

dustry. They have great herds of catde which are increas- 
ing ; their land lies very neat, and is well cultivated. They 
raise large quantities of corn, peas, potatoes, pumpkins, cab- 
bages, and other garden stuff. They not only raise suffi- 
cient for their own consumption, but are enabled to sell at 
the town of Savannah. They are so contented with their 
settlement, and so sensible of their happiness, that they are 
frequently sending to their own country invitations to their 
friends to go over to them, and have applied to the Trustees 
to send more transports of their countrymen to be settled 
with them. 

The next objection is, 3. That no produces for trade can 
be raised in the colony. 

And this is believed because no great entries have been 
seen of any yet in the custom house, though the charter 
was granted but in June, 1732, and the colony has, from its 
first establishment, labored under many unforeseen difficulties. 
Raw silk is the chief article which the Trustees had, and still 
have, in view. This is bought by Great Britain at present 
with ready money in Italy, at a vast price ; and which not- 
withstanding that price, our merchants cannot get by any de- 
gree so much as is wanted for the few engines which we 
have for throwing. Nay, they are obliged to take much the 
greatest part as ready thrown, which carries still a higher 
price, to pay for the labor of foreigners. Though raw silk 
requires very little labor, it is obvious, that the raising any 
great quantity of it must depend upon a number of people, 
and of those chiefly who are of little use in other products, 
viz. women and children ; and of whom the Trustees could 
not send many, men being the most necessary in the first 
establishment of a colony, especially on a frontier. In the 
raising of silk, even the aged and impotent are of use. Lord 
Bacon has mentioned it as one of the most profitable works 
a plantation can go upon. Mr. Joshua Gee, in his excellent 
treatise, called the Trade and JYuvigalion of Great Britain 
Co7isidered, has expatiated upon the great advantages and 
probability of raising it in these parts of the continent.* Other 
authors have long ago given the same judgment. Sir Tho- 
mas Lombe delivered his opinion, " That it would be attended 

* Virginia, more especially the south part thereof, rightly and truly stated, viz. 
Carolina, printed 1G50. Virginia's discovery of silk worms with their benefit, 1650. 

^n Impartial Inqim-y, 8^c. 161 

with as little hazard and difficulty ; that it was as much 
wanted, and might as soon be brought to perfection, as any 
undertaking so considerable in itself, that he ever heard of." 
Besides these authorities, experience, (the best authority) has 
shewn the probability of success. Some silk (though indeed 
by the negligence of the people, and want of proper hands, 
but a little) has already been produced in Georgia. Enough, 
however, for a conviction, that it may in time be brought to 
such perfection, as may make the colony of the highest ad- 
vantage to Great Biitain. For if twenty pounds of it can be 
raised there, any greater quantity may likewise with a pro- 
per number of people. Some was brought over this year by 
one Mr. Samuel Auspourguer, who has made an * affidavit, 
that he saw the Italian family winding it off from the balls. 
It was viewed by Mr. Zachary, an eminent raw silk mer- 
chant, and Mr. Booth, one of our greatest weavers, who 
affirmed it to be as fine as any Italian silk, or any they would 
wish to use, and that it was worth at least twenty shillings a 
pound. The former gentleman's f opinion, may be seen in 
the Appendix. 

Georgia being the most southward part of the English pos- 
sessions upon that continent, is the most proper for this pro- 
duction. The warmer a country is, (if the heat is not too 
intense, and by bordering upon the sea, it is refreshed by 
pleasant gales of wind,) the stronger the worms are, they yield 
a better increase, and the silk has a better texture. For this 
reason Italy has the advantage over France, as the same 
quantity of eggs will produce there a double quantity of silk 
more than the most northern parts oT France in which it is 
raised, and a proporUonable difference is found between these 
and the most southern provinces. 

The planter in Georgia has no obstacle in his way of this 
undertaking, but his impatience and diffidence. He has many 
advantages which the peasant in France and Italy wants. 
The country affords him timber for his fabrics at no expense, 
but of a little labor. It is found by experience, that the mul- 
berry trees thrive in an extraordinary manner in Georgia, and 
these being his own, the profits from the worms are so too. 
He may build his house of what dimensions he likes best, 

* Appendix No. 5. t Appendix No. 5. 


1 62 An Impartial Inquh^, Sfc. 

and may therefore have more rooms, and may make these 
more spacious and convenient for the nursery of his worms. 
Whereas in Languedoc, Provence, and hkewise in many parts 
of Italy, the peasant has perhaps only a low-roofed cottage, 
with one or two rooms at the most for his family to sleep, 
dress their victuals, and keep their worms in ; and besides, 
he is obliged to purchase his mulberry leaves of the nobility 
and gentry, who receive a considerable part of their revenue 
from the sale of them. In many parts of Italy, for instance, 
the poor man gives a moity of his profits to the rich, only for 
the leaves which he gathers on his grounds, which must be 
a great discouragement to him. 

The production of silk will but little interfere with the other 
labors of the planter in Georgia. The whole business of it 
is completed within three months. A man with his son, or 
a servant, may, without much trouble, gather leaves sufficient 
for as many worms as he can keep. His wife and daughter, 
or a servant maid, may feed and attend the worms, as they 
are within doors. A Piedmontese family are settled in the 
eolony only to instruct the people, and their children, in the 
care of the worms, and in the art of winding off the silk, 
which must be done early from the balls, as these are apt to 
decrease in their weight and value by being neglected any 
time. The planter will be sure of a ready, stated, and great 
price for this commodity ; it will be brought to England at a 
less expense, and will have less to pay for freight than almost 
any other, as the bulk of it is so small in proportion to the 

Mr. Gee supposes that even the Indians may be useful to 
us in this article of trade ; and to show this is not chimeri- 
cal, he produces the examples of them both with the Span- 
iards and the French. * " If (says he) great numbers of 
mulberry trees were planted among the Indian nations bor- 
dering on our settlements, and some skilful, good tempered 
persons were employed to instruct them in the proper sea- 
sons for gathering leaves, and feeding the worms, and should 
reward them bountifully for their pains, those people might 
be brought to be very profitable subjects to this nation. The 
Spaniards, notwithstanding their pride, have found conde- 
scension enough to instruct the Indians under their jurisdiction, 

* The Trade and Navigation of Great Britain Considered, page 07. 

Jin Impartial Inquiry , Sfc. 1 63 

to make them very serviceable in carrying on, and improving 
the manufactures of indigo, cochineal, and several others, to 
the great advantage of New Spain ; and the French in their 
settlements about the river St. Lawrence, the great lakes, 
and even to the Mississippi, take a great deal of pains to in- 
struct them in every thing which they think may contribute 
to their mother country. If the Spaniards and French can 
draw these people to be serviceable, to them, I do not see it 
is impossible, if kindness, justice, and good nature were 
shewed them, but they might be brought to be very service- 
able to us also." Upon the first establishing of Georgia, the 
Trustees, from the dictates both of humanity and prudence, 
endeavored to secure the friendship of the Indians. They 
were treated with all the candor and gentleness imaginable. 
They were made sensible, that the English had no intentions 
to distress or disturb, but would be ready to assist and protect 
them upon all occasions. They were assured of redress for 
any injuries offered them, upon their making complaints to 
the magistrates ; upon which in return they engaged never 
to take any revenge themselves, which might occasion mis- 
understanding between the English and them. And, as they 
have since found that justice has always been done them 
upon any complaint, they have been punctual in their en- 
gagements. They have shown an affection to the colony, 
and upon the first breaking out of the war with Spain, and 
ever since, they have been ready and earnest to defend it. 
They intermix with great freedom with our people, and two 
years ago, when a body of the Chickasaw Indians, who live 
at a distance from our settlements, came down to Savannah, 
they saw in one of the houses the silk worms feeding ; they 
were so delighted, that they went twice a day to observe 
them, and when they were told the use of them, they * said 
that if w^orms should be given them, they would engage to 
return a great quantity of balls of silk every year, for they 
had many mulberry trees in their nations. 

Another article which shows a great probability of suc- 
ceeding, is wine, f The vines grow wild in Georgia, and 
in great abundance ; they run up to the tops of oaks with 
fruit upon them. As, by the hixuriancy of their growth, the 
grapes are but indifferent, these will be improved by prun- 

* Appendix, No. 6. t Appendix No. 8. 

164 An Impartial Inquiry, 8fc. 

ing, and a proper care of the vines ; and it has been found 
that the grafting upon these vines has been attended with 
success. The Portugal and other vines also, which have 
been transplanted thither, thrive in a very extraordinary 
manner. One Abraham de Lyon, a Portuguese Jew, in the 
year 1736, by encouragement from the Trustees, planted 
about a score, which he had received from Portugal, where 
he had been bred among the vineyards : in the next year, by 
his skill in pruning and dressing them, they bore plentifully 
a beautiful large grape, as big as a man's thumb, almost 
transparent, and in great bunches. A shoot, in one year, 
grew from the root of a bearing vine as big as a walking 
cane, and ran over a few poles placed to receive it, at least 
twelve or fourteen feet ; and he has now a very promising 
vineyard. If wine can be made in the colony, the advan- 
tages of it must be obvious to every one. This will not in- 
terfere with the products of our other plantations. Though 
therefore no more could be raised than to supply these, it 
would be a vast profit to Georgia as well as them. They 
might purchase it at a cheaper rate than they do from Spain 
and the Canaries. They would not be liable to be inter- 
rupted in the purchase of it in a time of war between us and 
the nations, which now supply them ; and the money, which 
they are to pay for it, will still remain among the subjects of 
Great Britain. But this product must be a work of time, 
and must depend upon an increase of the people. 

Other beneficial articles for trade, which (it is found) can 
be raised there, are, 

^Cochineal. The prickly pear shrubs, (upon which the fly 
feeds, from which is taken the cochineal,) are in abundance 
upon the islands in the southern part of the province ; and 
the fly has been taken upon them, which, being squeezed 
by some persons between their fingers, has dyed them with 
the fine red color which the cochineal gives. 

Indigo, Olives and Oil. 

Cotton, (of which some has been brought over as a sam- 
ple,) and many drugs, viz. aloes, sassafras, sumach, snake- 
root, and several others, the shrubs of which grow wild and 
in great numbers. 

The timber in the province is very fine. In the inland 

'^ Appendix No. 8. 

^n Impartial Inquiry, Sfc. 1 65 

part of the country, some of the trees grow so high, that 
they would furnish* masts for men-of-war ; and near the sea, 
where the ground is more upon a level, there is a great 
quantity of excellent knee timber. The laurel, cedar, cy- 
press, and bay-trees, grow in this part to the height and size 
of timber trees. 

The fourth objection is : 4. That the lands were granted 
upon improper tenures and conditions. 

In the infancy of the settlement, many regulations and 
restrictions were thought necessary ; but these have since, 
for the ease of the people, been either relaxed or removed. 
One condition in particular was, that the lands, which were 
granted, should in failure of issue male, revert to the Trust. 
The females, however, were to have the value of the im- 
provements, and in case of marriage, the lot was intended to 
be given to the husband of the eldest daughter, (which was 
always complied with upon application,) in case he was not 
possessed of any lot before. The design of this restriction 
was to keep up a number of men equal to the number of 
lots, for the defence and better improvement of the province, 
and to preserve a proper equality among them. But this 
condition has since been released, and the daughter of a 
freeholder, or any other person, is made capable of enjoying 
by inheritance a devise of lands, provided that it does not 
increase her or his possession, to more than two thousand 

Another proviso in the grants was, that no person should 
alien his land, or any part of it, or grant any term, estate, or 
interest therein to any other person, without a special license. 
This was to prevent the effects of usury, and people's run- 
ning into debt, which might incite them to idleness ; and to 
keep the lots entire and undivided, and prevent any person's 
engrossing too great a quantity of land. This proviso like- 
wise has been released, and a general license has been 
granted, for all possessors of land in Georgia to make leases 
of any part of their lots, for any term not exceeding five 
years, to any person residing in Georgia, and who shall con- 
tinue resident there during the term of such lease. 

A third condition in the grants was. That if any of the lands 
should not be planted, cleared, or fenced, within the space of 

* Appendix No. 2 and 8 

166 ^n Impartial Inquiry, 8fc. 

ten years from the date of the grant, every part thereof, not 
planted, cleared, or fenced, should revert to the Trust. This 
was intended only to put the people under a necessity of 
being early, and industrious in their improvements. But 
however, to remove any apprehensions, which they might 
have of losing their lots, a general release has since been 
passed, by which no advantage is to be taken against any 
possessors of land in Georgia, for any forfeitures incurred at 
any time before midsummer 1740, in relation either to the 
tenure or cultivation of land ; and a much longer time for cul- 
tivating is allowed on the easiest conditions, and such as were 
proposed by a gentleman of the province, on behalf of the 

The last and principal objection is, 5. That it will be im- 
practicable to render the colony of any value, without the 
use of negroes. 

This will require a more particular examination, as it has 
obtained a credit with many persons of understanding who 
have an affection for the colony. The reason, which has 
principally guided them in this belief, is, that our other colo- 
nies have not prohibited them, but find them necessary, and 
therefore they think there is no occasion for this singularity. 
It cannot, however, be doubted, but these persons will con- 
sider with attention the particular circumstances of this pro- 
vince, and the arguments which will be offered to show, that 
negroes are inconsistent with the constitution of it, needless 
for the produces which are to be raised there, and absolutely 
dangerous to Georgia in its present situation, as well as to 
the adjacent provinces. 

The preamble to his Majesty's charter runs as follows : 

" Whereas we are credibly informed, that many of our poor 
subjects are, through misfortunes, and want of employment, 
reduced to great necessities, insomuch as by their labor they 
are not able to provide a maintenance for themselves and 
families ; and if they had means to defray the charge of pas- 
sage, and other expenses incident to new settlements, they 
would be glad to be settled in any of our provinces in America, 
where by cultivating the lands at present waste and desolate, 
they might not only gain a comfortable subsistence for them- 
selves and families, but also strengthen our colonies and in- 
crease the trade, navigation, and wealth of these our realms. 

" And whereas our provinces in north America have been 

An Impartial Inquiry, Sfc. 167 

frequently ravaged by Indian enemies, more especially that 
of South Carolina, which in the late war was laid waste with 
fire and sword ; and great number of the English inhabitants 
miserably massacred, and our loving subjects, who now in- 
habit there, by reason of the smallness of their numbers, will, 
in case of any new war, be exposed to the like calamity, 
inasmuch as their whole southern frontier continueth unset- 
tled, and lieth open to the said savages. 

"And whereas we think it highly becoming our crown 
and royal dignity to protect all our loving subjects, be they 
never so distant from us : To extend our fatherly compas- 
sion even to the meanest and most unfortunate of our peo- 
ple, and to relieve the wants of our above-mentioned poor 
subjects; and that it will be highly conducive for accom- 
plishing these ends, that a regular colony of the said poor 
people be settled and established in the southern frontier of 

" Know ye," &c. 

By this Preamble it appears, that the chief purposes, 
for which the charter was granted, were a subsistence for 
those, who were indigent at home, and consequently a bur- 
den on the public ; and making a barrier for South Carolina, 
which had suffered, and lay still exposed to danger by the 
smallness of the number of her English inhabitants. 

If a great number of negroes could have made South 
Carolina secure, she would not have wanted such a barrier, 
for she is computed to have at least forty thousand blacks, 
whilst the white people are not above five thousand ; and 
these (by the large portions of land being in the possession 
of but few persons) at too great a distance from one another 
for the public safety. 

The greater number of blacks, which a frontier has, and 
the greater the disproportion is between them and her white 
people, the more danger she is Uable to ; for those are all 
secret enemies, and ready to join with her open ones up- 
on the first occasion. So far from putting any confidence 
in them, her first step must be to secure herself against 

Georgia therefore was designed to be a new frontier, and 
that she might be well stocked with white inhabitants, who 
by their property could only add a strength to it, his Majesty 
in the charter restrained the Trustees from granting more 

168 Jin Impartial Inquirij, 8c c. 

than five hundred acres of land either entirely, or in parcels 
to, or for the use of, or in trust for any one person. 

To each of the poor, who were sent from hence, and who 
were provided with every thing at the expense of the Trust, 
no more than fifty acres have hitherto been granted. This 
quantity, if well cultivated, would yield not only a comforta- 
ble, but handsome subsistence, but would not enable him to 
maintain a number of negroes. 

In other colonies the planter being well stocked with 
them, can afford to purchase wives for his negroes, and their 
increase adds to his property. He can stay for the growth 
of their children before they are fit to labor; he can dispense 
with the mother's neglecting to work, while she attends her 
infants ; but the white man in Georgia cannot be able to feed 
the negro, his wife, and the child or children, when perhaps 
the first is the only one from whom he receives any profit. 

If it is thought that one male negro will be sufficient for 
each white man, the value of an unseasoned negro's life 
cannot be computed at more than seven years purchase. 
The price of a negro when delivered in America, is from 
twenty-five to thirty pounds sterling ; at whose expense then 
must the first and continued cost of them be ? If, at the 
expense of the Trust, there would be no end of it ; for the 
white man would be more careless of his negro, and if he 
should want at any time an immediate supply for any neces- 
sities, he would sell his slave, at perhaps half the value to a 
purchaser in South Carolina, then pretend he had run away 
from him, and would demand a new one. This would re- 
quire such a supply from the public, as might justly occasion 
great murmuring, even though the parliament should con- 
descend to grant it. If the negro is to be purchased at the 
expense of the planter, when and how will he be enabled 
to pay for him ? He sets out poor, and unprovided of every 
thing, but land and tools ; with a family which will require 
some time to gain a subsistence for ; if then he cannot lay 
down the purchase money, he must take him upon credit 
from the negro merchant, to satisfy whom, he must make 
over the profits of his labor, by which he will become dis- 
pirited ; or he must mortgage his land, by which the coun- 
try will soon lose many of her inhabitants. In our other 
colonies the plantations are made by persons who set out 
with a sufficient stock of wealth to purchase a number of 

An Impartial Inquiry, Sfc. 1 69 

slaves, and who can afford to keep white servants to inspect 
their labor, and force them to it. But let it be supposed, 
that the poor man in Georgia can be able, after some time, 
to purchase two negroes ; he cannot maintain however a 
white servant merely to inspect them ; his whole time must 
be employed in watching them, in order to oblige them to 
work, to prevent their running away, or to secure himself 
and his family from danger against them ; consequently the 
province will reap no benefit from his own labor; and if he 
finds them idle, he will be afraid to correct them, when he 
knows how easily they may overpower him. If he has but 
one negro, he will have little profit from his service ; for he 
must be under the same obligation, and be always at hand 
to watch him for his own security, and force him to work. 
Perhaps it is imagined, that by gentle usage the negro may 
be made a trusty servant ; this cannot be depended on. 
Every man is naturally fond of liberty, and he will struggle 
for it when he knows his own strength, when he sees this 
is equal, at least very inferior to his master's. But let it be 
granted, that the w^iite man is not under a necessity of 
watching his slaves ; he will think it hard however to be 
obliged to work as much himself, and will contract an unwil- 
lingness to do it ; so that as he at most can maintain but 
one or two, the labor of the black may be gained, but that 
of the white will on the other hand be lost. 

Nine parts in ten of the inhabitants of the province are 
freeholders of only fifty acre lots. As therefore, by the ina- 
bility of the planter, and the smallness of his plantation, the 
number of negroes cannot be much greater than the number 
of white men ; the want of them is much better supplied by 
servants from Germany, and other places in Europe. These 
serve for a term of years, and then are entitled to lots them- 
selves, upon a certificate from their master of their good be- 
havior. The planter pays nothing when he first receives 
one of these servants, but for the passage of him. His whole 
expense consists in his food, (which likewise the negro must 
have,) and in some few clothes, which need not be costly. 
The master can have a greater confidence in them, than he 
can possibly have in his slaves. The servants will have no 
temptation to run away ; from the hopes of a property they 
will be more industrious, and when they attain this, each 
man of them adds a strength to the colony. 


170 An Impartial Inquiry, ^'c. 

Besides, the produces, which are to be raised in Georgia, 
do not require the labor of negroes. In other plantations 
these are necessary. Sugar, rice, and tobacco are works of 
hardship and fatigue ; and perhaps it would be impossible 
to get white people from any parts of Europe, who would 
sustain the labor of them. But silk, cotton, cochineal, and 
the other designed produces of the colony, stand only in 
need of a careful and tender management. They are works 
rather of nicety than labor, especially where the culture of 
the land is so easy. The making of wine will perhaps be the 
work of the greatest fatigue, and yet we see by France, 
Portugal, and other parts of Europe, that it requires no ne- 
groes to carry it on. 

It may probably be said, as Carolina admits negroes, if 
Georgia does not, the former by having so much greater a 
number of people, will soon be able to raise much more silk 
than her younger sister. To this it is answered, if she 
should undertake it upon the prospect of its success in Geor- 
gia, Georgia would lose nothing by it, and Great Britain 
would reap the advantages of the emulation, who could take 
off a greater quantity of raw silk than both those colonies 
could produce, and without interfering with the importation 
of it, either from China, or Turkey, this last especially being 
of a different sort, and for different uses. Therefore though 
Carolina might exceed Georgia in the quantity raised, this 
last however would be sure of a market for hers also ; and 
although the province might not in general be so rich, every 
private man in it would reap a sufficient profit. 

It is lastly to be considered, how much negroes would 
affect the safety of the province in general, and the individ- 
ual inhabitants of it, as being so much nearer to the Span- 
iards. South Carolina, though at a greater distance, has 
often and lately found by experience that the Spaniards at 
Augustine will, even in time of peace, invite her negroes to 
them, with promises of liberty, and encouragement by giving^ 
them tracts of land to cultivate for their own use. The in- 
troduction of negroes into Georgia would therefore furnish a 
constant subject of contention, and would perpetually endan- 
ger the peace (when subsisting) between the two crowns of 
Great Britain and Spain: for our court could not but resent 
their enticing away and protecting our slaves ; and the court 
of Spain would pretend it to be extremely difficult, if not 

,%i Impartial Inquiry, 8^c. 171 


impossible, to prevent their people at Augustine doing it. 
Then in a time of war, as at present, or upon the least ap- 
pearance of one, the Spaniards would, as they have lately 
done in South Carolina, use all their arts, and neglect no 
promises to draw them off. And the negroes would undoubt- 
edly fly from a certain slavery, to liberty, and a better treat- 
ment. What therefore does the planter in Georgia do by 
purchasing a negro 1 He lays himself under difficulties to 
raise the means of doing it ; and when he has got him, he 
cannot be sure of his continuance with him for a day, and 
at his own expense he strengthens the enemy. 

If a w^ealthy planter in other colonies loses a slave, he 
loses only the cost of him, as he can easily purchase another; 
but the poor man in Georgia, would lose, with his slave, his 
whole strength, and the work of his plantation would be at 
a stand, as it likewise would upon the death, or even sick- 
ness of the negro ; and when the planter dies himself, if he 
leaves a widow with perhaps two or three small children, 
their danger must be very great from the negro ; they not 
only have no powder to prevent his flying away, but have no 
security for their own lives against him, being in a manner 
absolutely at his mercy. 

It has been lately seen in Jamaica, and Antigua, how apt 
the slaves are to rise against their masters, upon every 
opportunity ; yet they had no foreign power to receive and 
protect them. All they could have in view was, either to 
conquer or die, or betake themselves to the woods, where 
they must live in continual warfare with the white people. 
Before they could effect this, their design must be general, 
and must be communicated to so many, as would make it 
improbable to be kept secret. But in Georgia, where there 
is only a river to pass, the negro may run away with safety, 
without discovering his mind to any others, if his master 
leaves his plantation but half a day, nay if he does not watch 
or secure him even in the night. 

It may perhaps be said, that the insurrection of negroes in 
Jamaica and Antigua have been owing to the disproportion 
of their numbers, which is more than will be necessary in 
Georgia : to which is replied, if there is not a much greater 
number of negroes than of white men in Georgia, the end in 
having them wall not be answered, and if there is, there can 
be no safety for this province, where even an equality of 
them would make them dangerous. 

172 »^n Impartial Inquiry, Sfc. 

It may likewise be said, if you do not permit the poor man 
to have negroes, since he has nobody else to look after them, 
for an encouragement however of people, who have some 
fortune, to go and settle there, allow them to the gentlemen, 
who take up two hundred, three hundred, or five hundred 
acres, and who can afford white servants to take care of them. 
But this would soon destroy the labor of the industrious white 
people, for whom the colony was principally intended. For 
can it be supposed, that the poor planter will be contented, 
even on his own lot, to work in the same manner, in which 
slaves are employed on others ? Will not he be importunate 
with the Trustees to provide negroes likewise for him ? And 
when they will not, (as they certainly cannot) will he not 
think himself hardly dealt with ? repine and complain, that 
he leads the life of a negro ? then grow dispirited, and be 
more disposed to forsake the province ? 

The most industrious people in the colony, are so sensible 
of the inconveniences and dangers to which they should be 
exposed by the introduction of negroes, that they have peti- 
tioned against them, particularly the Saltzburghers at Ebene- 
zer, and the Highlanders at New Inverness in Darien. 

The inhabitants likewise of Frederica (the chief town in 
the southern part of the province) upon an application for 
negroes from some in the northern part, (who were less ex- 
posed to the Spaniards) prepared a petition against them, 
but desisted from sending it, upon an assurance that their 
apprehensions of the introduction of negroes were entirely 

South Carolina has already experienced the benefit of 
Georgia's not admitting slaves, and perhaps is indebted to 
this for her preservation at present. If a negro is seen in 
Georgia, he is immediately known to be a runaway ; and by 
an act, approved of by his Majesty in council in April, 1735, 
for rendering the colony of Georgia more defensible by pro- 
hibiting the importation and use of negroes, every one, who is 
found in Georgia, is apprehended, and if the owner in South 
Carolina claims him within three months, the court of the 
town of Savannah is ordered to restore him. This has pro- 
bably prevented at this critical juncture, a desertion of the 
greatest part of the South Carolina negroes. The Spanish 
emissaries have these three or four years past been busy in 
this province, inciting them to rise, and enticing them away. 

An Impartial Inquinj, S;c. . 173 

Several insurrections followed thereupon ; which, though 
suppressed with the death of many of the inhabitants, as well 
as of the blacks, hindered not the escape of some of these ; 
but they were few, they could only go off in pettiauguas and 
other little boats by sea ; the way by land was shut against 
them, as they knew they should be secured in Georgia ; 
whereas if negroes had been here also, it would not have 
been easy to distinguish them, and the Carolina slaves would 
have found a readier and safer way to Augustine. With this 
prospect they would have been more generally tempted to 
risb, from which the difficulty of getting off undoubtedly de- 
terred many of them. In January, 1738, the council, and 
assembly of South Carolina sent a solemn deputation to Au- 
gustine, to demand those, who had escaped by sea ; but they 
returned without success; the Spanish governor peremp- 
torily refused to deliver them, and declared that he had or- 
ders from the king of Spain to receive and protect them. 

In the beginning of last June, there was a conspiracy and 
insurrection of above two hundred negroes, not far from 
Charlestown. As they had no prospect of escaping through 
the Province of Georgia, their design was to break open a 
store-house, and supply themselves, and those who would 
join them, wdth arms. The conspiracy was happily discov- 
ered the night before it was to be put in execution, and 
when they appeared the next day fifty of them were seized, 
and these were hanged, ten in a day, to intimidate the other 

From these several considerations, it is submitted to the 
public, whether Georgia does not stand in a different point of 
light from any of our other colonies ; and whether the ad- 
mission of negroes is necessary or expedient ; or whether 
on the contrary, it would not be injurious to the greater 
number of inhabitants, and hazardous for them all. 

It may be proper now to shew in one or two instances, 
where the colony has been, and will be of great advantage 
to the public. If people are still credulous of every clamor, 
and incredulous of, and unattentive to the evidence, that 
products for trade can be raised in Georgia ; or if they are 
too narrow-sighted to be pleased with the distance of the 
prospect ; yet they must see, that the inhabitants can subsist 
there. Consequently there is room for increasing the num- 
ber of our people, by carrying over more Saltzsburghers, 

1 74 ^n Impartial Inquiry, Sec. 

and other persecuted or distressed foreign protestants. 
These can be carried thither, and settled at a less expense 
than the former, who have gone as harbingers, and provided 
a settlement, and easier means of subsistence for them. 
By these, and by the Highlanders from Scotland, (even if 
no more of our poor people from England should be sent) 
one great end of his majesty's charter is obtained. A bar- 
rier is fixed, and will be strengthening, for the southern 
provinces on the continent ; and these may more securely 
proceed in their cultivation. South Carolina has in this 
particular some time _^ince found the advantages of this bar- 
rier ; for the most southward parts, before the establishment 
of Georgia, were so unsafe that people were afraid to make 
any settlements on them ; but soon after, many thousand 
acres of rich land near Port Royal were run out, the land 
was raised to four times the former value, and the exporta- 
tion of rice from that province was vastly increased. The 
public have seen, that Carolina has likewise been free from 
the ravages or attacks of the Indians, to which she was 
always liable before, and by which she so frequently suffered. 
In this view, therefore, of a barrier, abstracting the hopes of 
any improvements in our trade, Geoi-gia has always been a 
national benefit. 

The last point in which Georgia is to be considered, is 
with regard to the goodness of her harbors ; and in this light 
she will prove of the highest importance to Great Britain. 
Spain has seen her in this light, and has therefore been so 
restless to gain her. From the badness of the harbor at 
Augustine, which is in a manner choked up, and caufiot re- 
ceive any ships of above a hundred tons, she is more sensi- 
ble of what consequence it is to Great Britain to have good 
ones in Georgia. She knows that if a British fleet can ride 
there in safety, in a wholesome air, and daily supplied with 
fresh provisions, they may be a constant check on the galle- 
ons, and her homeward bound trade, in their course from 
the gulf of Florida ; and may amply retaliate all the injuries 
which she does us on the other side of the gulf. For this 
reason the Spaniards at Augustine, when they first com- 
plained of Georgia, called it a Gibraltar in America. There 
is a *harbor in thirty-one degrees in the southward part of 

* Appendix, No. 8. 

Jin Impartial Inquiry^ 8^c. 1 75 

the province between St. Simon's island and Jekyl's island, 
which is capable of holding twelve men-of-war in the great- 
est security. The harbor is land-locked, and the entrance 
into it is free from any rocks or shoals ; and on the bar there 
is a depth of water of twenty-two feet, so that a forty gun 
ship may pass very well over it, and the ships in the harbor 
lie under the cannon of St. Simon's fort. The river, which 
runs by the harbor, is so large and deep, that it is capable of 
receiving any number of ships which England can send 
thither; and where, being land-locked also, they may ride 
in great safety. In Cumberland sound, which is southward 
of Jekyl, and lies between the islands of Cumberland and 
Amelia, it is said, that there is still deeper water than in 
Jekyl sound ; but as no affidavits have been made in rela- 
tion to this, and as the captains, who sounded the entrance 
into Jekyl, never went so far, I shall not dwell upon it, being 
unwilling to deliver any thing upon uncertainty. In the 
northern part of the province, upon the bar at Tybee sound, 
at the mouth of the river Savannah, there is a depth of fif- 
teen feet at low water, and twenty-two at high water ; and 
the river Savannah communicating with it, will contain in 
safety, four hundred ships in smooth water. The entrance 
is so safe, that ships of four hundred tons, without altering 
their course, may run directly from the sea over the bar. 

The whole coast of Georgia is secure for navigation, there 
being seven or eight fathom water v>'ithin three or four leagues 
from the land-, where ships, if necessity requires, may anchor 
with the greatest safety, the gi'ound being all clean sand from 
one end of the coast to the other. 

A report has prevailed, that the colony is abandoned ; and 
this has been propagated chiefly by those who have quitted 
it. It is undoubtedly true, that some in the northern divi- 
sion of the province have left it ; but it is as true, that great 
numbers are still remaining, and that few or none of those, 
who were settled in the southern part of the province have 
left their plantations. Among the necessitous, who first ap- 
plied to be sent over, there were some who had been reduced 
merely by misfortunes, but still unused to labor ; and many 
by idleness who were as little accustomed to it. It was al- 
most impossible to distinguish between them. The Trustees 
could only proceed in their choice, upon recommendations of 
them or their appearance, as great objects of charity. But 

1 76 Jin Impartial Inquiry, 8fc. 

the idle, who fled from labor in England, would as certainly 
fly from it in Georgia. A store was kept open for the sub- 
sistence of the people, much longer than was either promised 
or intended. This was done upon several considerations, 
viz. a dearth, which happened one year through almost all 
the continent of America ; the interruptions given to the in- 
habitants by the attempts of the Spaniards ; compassion in 
general to the settlers, and for an encouragement of them to 
be industrious for the future. But when it was found abso- 
lutely requisite to shut up the store, of which the people had 
been long forewarned ; those who had fixed their thoughts 
and means of subsistence only there, and found themselves 
unprovided, immediately left the province ; a few also, upon 
an appearance of a war with Spain, deserted their settlements, 
in order to be more remote from danger. ■ There were some 
people likewise, in the first settling of the colony, who came 
from other American provinces to seek for work. These, 
finding but little business, after the public, and most of the 
private buildings were finished, returned, as is supposed, to 
their own homes. 

By authentic accounts transmitted from William Stephens, 
Esq., (who has resided in Georgia these three years, as 
Secretary for the affairs of the Trust within the province,) and 
received the 26th of last November, it appears, that the 
strength of the northern division of the province, has not for a 
year past, been impaired by the going away of laborious men, 
particularly of freeholders ; the absence of some, whose idle- 
ness or fear of the Spaniards obliged them to withdraw, 
being supplied by others more industrious. And that of those 
who had quitted it, with expectation of a better support in 
South Carolina, some have returned again, and that two fami- 
lies more intended the same. Nay, even so late as the 28th of 
July last, when the news of raising the siege of Augustine 
had been a fortnight in the town of Savannah, notwithstand- 
ing endeavors were used to work up a panic among the peo- 
ple, and though permits to leave the colony were given to 
any who should ask them, three men only had quitted the 
province; and of these, one was superannuated, and went to 
a relation in Charlestown to be supported. The other two 
were Jews, who had no visible way of living. It was found 
likewise, that among the freeholders in that town, notwith- 
standing many had gone as volunteers to the camp, there 

An Impartial Inquiry^ 8fc. 177 

were about seventy, who were able and willing to act for de- 
fence of the colony, exclusive of servants, inmates, &c. who 
were above double that number, and without taking notice of 
the plantations, and the adjacent villages and of the town of 
Ebenezer in particular, which alone could furnish sixty able 
men of the Saltzburghers. 

Though beginning a setdement with indigent people is 
commonly disadvantageous, for reasons before mentioned ; 
the sending over others of them in small numbers after the 
settlement is made, may not, and probably will not be at- 
tended with the same inconveniences. When they see a 
society formed, and a government ready established, at 
which they cannot have a shadow of reason to repine : 
when they see others, who had been in the same condition 
with themselves, living happily upon the fruits of their indus- 
try, and have evident and occular proofs, that they may soon 
arrive at the same ; and when thev will not have numbers 
to countenance them in their idleness, they will in all likeli- 
hood be more incited to labor. 

The following short account of the state of the ■ province, 
will (it is hoped) satisfy the public, that, though some have 
deserted it, it is not in that miserable condition, which some 
have taken pains to represent it. 

About ten miles up the river, the tow^n of Savannah is sit- 
uated upon a bluff of land, about forty feet perpendicular 
from the water. The land about it, and on which it stands, 
is sandy, and after the hardest rains immediately dry, and 
therefore healthy, and fit for habitations. The water about 
the town is excellent. The town is regularly built, with a 
large street through it from the landing-place. There are 
at least one hundred and thirty houses in it, (besides ware- 
houses and huts,) which are built at some distance from each 
other, to prevent the spreading of any fire, and to keep them 
more airy. These form several wide streets, and spacious 
squares. The town is divided into six wards, and every 
ward into three tithings, with a constable and three tithing- 
men appointed for each ward. It is governed by three 
bailiffs, and a recoi'der, who are the magistrates, and have 
full power to judge in matters of civil right, as well as capi- 
tal offences in the northern part of the province. There are 
in the town, a court house, a gaol, a store-house, a house 
for the Trust servants, a wharf, a guard-house, and some 

178 An Impartial Inquiry, 8fc. 

other public buildings. There is likewise a public garden, 
which was designed as a nursery for raising trees and plants 
to be delivered out to the people for their plantations, viz. : 
mulberry trees, oranges, olives, vines, peaches, apples, pears, 
plums, &,c. By the negligence of former gardeners, these 
had met with very ill treatment ; but by the care of some 
Italian gardeners last year, they recovered from it, and the 
garden is now in a thriving condition. The town of Savan- 
nah is conveniently situated for trade, as the navigation of 
the river is very good, and runs several hundred miles up 
into the country, and ships of three hundred tons may lie 
close to the town, where the w^orm does not eat into them. 
About six miles distance from Savannah up the river are 
several considerable plantations, and at fifteen miles is a vil- 
lage called Abercorn. Ten miles above that, on the Carolina 
side of the river, is the town of Purysburgh, which is a set- 
tlement of Swiss, formed in the same year that Georgia was 
established. Fifteen miles from Purysburgh, on the Georgia 
side, is Ebenezer, w-here the Saltzburghers are situated ; 
their houses are neat, and regularly set out in streets, and 
the whole economy of their town, under the influence of 
their ministers. Messieurs Bolzius and Gronau, is very ex- 
emplary. For the benefit of their milch catde, a herdsman 
is appointed to attend them in the woods all the day, and 
bring them home in the evening. Their stock of outlying 
cattle is also under the care of two other herdsmen, who 
attend them in their feeding in the day, and drive them into 
cow pens in the night. This secures the owners from any 
loss, and the herdsmen are paid by a small contribution 
among the people. These are very industrious, and subsist 
comfortably by their labor. Though there is no regular court 
of justice, as they live in sobriety, they maintain great order 
and decency. In case of any differences, the minister calls 
three or four of the most prudent elders together, who in a 
summary way hear and determine as they think just, and 
the parties always acquiesce with content in their judgment. 
They are veiy regular in their public worship, which is on 
week days in the evening after their work ; and in the fore- 
noon and evening on Sundays. They have built a large and 
convenient house for the reception of orphans, and other 
poor children, who are maintained by benefactions among 
the people, are well taken care of, and taught to work, ac- 

An Impartial Inquiry^ 8fc. 1 79 

cording as their age and ability will permit. The number 
computed by Mr. Bolzius in June 1738, whereof his congre- 
gation consisted, was one hundred and forty-six, and some 
more have since been setded among them. They are all in 
general so well pleased with their condition, that not one of 
their people has abandoned the settlement. 

At some distance from hence is a place called Old Ebe- 
nezer, upon a river which runs into the Savannah. Here 
the Saltzburghers were at first settled, and there are now 
some plantations of German families, as also a cow pen in 
which the Trust have a great number of cattle for the use of 
the public, and for breeding. 

Beyond Ebenezer are several settlements of Uchee In- 
dians, on both sides of the river Savannah, who have raised 
a quantity of corn. 

At a considerable distance from hence is a town called 
Augusta ; it is two hundred and thirty-six miles by water 
from the mouth of Savannah river, and large boats are navi- 
gated from hence to the town of Savannah. It was laid out 
in the beginning of the year 1736, and thrives prodigiously. 
It is the chief place of trade with the Indians. There are 
several ware houses in it well furnished with goods for the 
Indian ti-ade ; and the last year the people raised there above 
six thousand bushels of Indian corn, besides some wheat for 
their own use, which was very good. There are five large 
boats which belong to different inhabitans of the town, and 
carry about nine thousand weight of deer skins each ; and 
last year about one -hundred thousand weight of skins was 
brought from thence. All the Indian traders from both pro- 
vinces of South Carolina and Georgia, resort thither in the 
spring: In June, 1739, the traders, pack-horse-men, ser- 
vants, townsmen, and others depending upon that business, 
made about six hundred whites, who live by the trade in the 
Indian nation. Each Indian hunter is reckoned to get three 
hundred weight of deer skins in a year, which is a very ad- 
vantageous trade to England, for the deer skins, beaver, and 
other furs, are chiefly paid for in woolen goods and Iron. 

At Augusta the Trustees have hitherto maintained a little 
garrison, in a fort which they built : and the security which 
the traders receive from this fort is their inducement to go 
there. The town stands upon a high ground, upon the side 
of the river. A road has been marked out from thence to 

180 An Impartial Inquiry, 8fc. 

Old Ebenezer, so that horsemen can now ride from the 
town of Savannah to Augusta, as likewise to the Cherokee 
Indians, who are situated above Augusta to the north-west, 
and on the Georgia side of the river, in the valleys of the 
Appalachian mountains. The Cherokees have now between 
four and five thousand warriors. The French have been 
using their utmost endeavors to gain -or destroy them : but 
as the town of Augusta so easily furnishes them with arms, 
ammunition, and necessaries, the French have not been able 
to get any ground among them. The Creek Indians live to 
the westward of Augusta, their chief town is the Cowetas, 
at two hundred miles distance. The lower Creeks consist 
of about a thousand, and the upper Creeks of about seven 
hundred fighting men ; upon the edge of whose country the 
French fort of Albamas lies. They are all sincerely attached 
to the English interest, and they express the greatest grati- 
tude upon all occasions, for the kind reception which their 
chiefs met with in England, and for the justice with which 
all the Indians are treated in Georgia. Beyond the Creeks, 
lie the Chickasaws, vsdio are a very brave people : they in- 
habit near the Mississippi river, and possess the banks of it : 
they are likewise great friends of the English, and have 
resisted both the bribes and arms of the French. Some 
Georgia traders live among them. Ten towns also of the 
Choctaws, who were formerly in alliance with the French, 
trade with the people of Georgia. 

Besides the settlements upon the river Savannah, there 
are several plantations to the southward -of the town, as well 
as the little villages of Highgate and Hampstead, which lie 
about four miles distant from it. Some of these settlements 
extend as far as the narrow passages near Ogeechee, which 
is an inland river. At the narrow passages is Fort Argyle, 
in a situation that commands all the province. This was 
built in the year 1733. It is a large, strong palisade, eleven 
feet high, with flankers and loop-holes for small cannon at 
the angles. Beyond this, in the southern part of the prov- 
ince, is the town of New Inverness, in the district of Darien. 
Here the Highlanders are settled. They raised, at first, a 
considerable quantity of corn. They feed, (as has been 
said before) great numbers of cattle, and have many good 
sawyers, who make an advantageous trade of lumber. Their 
buildings are chiefly huts, but tight and warm. They have 

./In Impartial Inqitinj, Sfc. 181 

a minister, who has an allowance from the incorporated 
society in Scotland, and are a sober and laborious people. 
They have also a fort below the town. 

About twenty miles from hence is Frederica, on the island 
of St. Simon's, which is near the sea upon a branch of the 
Alatamaha liver. There are many good buildings in the 
town, several of which are brick. There is likewise a fort 
and store-house belonging to the Trust. The people have 
a minister who has a salary fi'om the Society for Propagating 
the Gospel. In the neighborhood of the town, there is a 
fine meadow of three hundred and twenty acres ditched in, 
on which a number of cattle are fed, and good hay is like- 
wise made from it. At some distance from the town is the 
camp for General Oglethorpe's regiment : the country about 
it is well cultivated, several parcels of land not far distant from 
the camp having been granted in small lots to the soldiers, 
many of whom are married, and fifty-five children were 
born there in the last year. These soldiers are the most 
industrious, and willing to plant ; the rest are generally de- 
sirous of wives, but there are not women enough in the 
country to supply them. There are some handsome houses 
buiU by the officers of the regiment, and besides the town 
of Frederica, there are other little villages upon this island. 
A sufficient quantity of pot herbs, pulse and fruit is produced 
there to supply both the town and garrison ; and the people 
of Frederica have begun to malt and to brew^ ; and the 
soldiers' wives spin cotton of the country, which they knit 
into stockings. At the town of Frederica is a town court 
for administering justice in the southern part of the province, 
with the same number of magistrates as at Savannah. 

Beyond St. Simon's is Jekyl island, where there is but 
little good land. Captain Horton, an officer of the regiment, 
however, who has a lot upon this island, has made great im- 
provements on it. 

Southward of Jekyl lies the island of Cumberland, upon 
which is a strong fort called St. Andrews, built in the year 
1736: it is situated upon a fine commanding ground. Two 
companies of the regiment are stationed here, and the soldiers, 
who have wives, have had lots granted them ; which they 
have improved very much. They have made a little village 
called Barrimackc, where are about twenty-four families with 
good huts. 

182 ,/ln Impartial Inquiry, S^c. 

Beyond St. Andrews to the south, is the island of Amelia, 
where the orange trees grow wild in the woods. Upon this 
island are stationed the Trust Highland servants, with their 
scout boats. They have a very good plantation, and raised 
corn enough last year for their own consumption. A little 
fort is built here, and has a sergeant's guard. Upon this is- 
land, as well as Cumberland, there is a stud of horses and 
mares, and the colts out of them are very good ones, and 
are bred without any expense. 

Beyond Amelia's is St. George's, which was quitted in 
the year 1736 by agreement with the Spaniards ; and at a 
htUe distance from this is St. Juan's, where the Spaniards 
had two forts, which were taken last year ; and between 
forty and fifty miles distance from St. Juan's is Augustine. 

To sum up in short the present situation of the colony. 
The Trust is in possession, in behalf of his Majesty from the 
garrison of the Okfuskees in the Upper Creek nation (which 
they setded six years ago) down to the Gulf of Mexico by 
the Appellachees, and from thence to Amelia. The garrison 
of the Okfuskees is near four hundred miles from the sea, 
and a mark of possession within forty miles of the French 
fort. The commanding officer there, keeps up the English 
interest with the Indians, and the French cannot encroach 
further without hostilities. The sea coast lies from Amelia, 
which is in thirty degrees, thirty minutes to the mouth of 
Savannah, which is in thirty-two degrees and is a degree 
and a half upon the globe, but is computed by the boatmen 
who row it, to be near two hundred miles by water. 

The Creek Indians, though they acknowledge the King of 
Great Britain for their sovereign, made war with the people of 
South Carolina, to obtain satisfaction for injuries done them 
by their traders. The war concluded by a peace, which 
obliged the people of Carolina not to settle southward of the 
river Savannah, and no Englishmen was settled within this 
district, when the first colony of Georgia arrived. But the 
Creek Indians have since, by agreement, conceded the limits 
mentioned above. In this province, which eight years ago 
was covered with woods, there are four towns and other 
setdements. It is almost every part of it fit for pasture ; 
there is a good stock of cattle, and it discovers a great deal 
of rich land fit for agriculture. 

Besides what the land yields for subsistence, and the tame 

.in Impartial Inquiry, Sfc. 183 

cattle, which multiply very fast, there are in the province 
abundance of deer and buffaloes. There is a vast plenty of 
almost all kinds of wild fowl. And the rivers abound with 
a great variety of fine fish, and particularly sturgeon, which 
may prove a beneficial trade. And in the coast upon the 
sea are oysters, and many other sorts of shell fish. There 
are found likewise in hollow trees large quantities of excel- 
lent honey. 

As the government, in the beginning of our present dis- 
putes with the court of Spain, asserted the nation's right to 
the possession of this province ; it may be some satisfaction 
to the reader to see this stated, which I shall endeavor to do 
in a few lines. Besides the concession of it by the Indians, 
who are the native proprietors of it. Great Britain has the 
right by the first discovery. 

This was made by Sebastian Cabot, under the authority 
of letters patent from Henry the Vllth, dated 5, 1495. 
In the year 1496 he coasted by the shore of the continent so 
far, that he had the island of Cuba on his left hand, as is par- 
ticularly described in the Decades of the Ocean, written by 
Peter Martyr, (a famous Spanish Historian) and dedicated 
to the King of Spain, in the year 1516. 

This discovery is testified, not only by our own histori- 
ans, but likewise by other Spanish writers, as Oviedo, Herre- 
ra, and Gomara, and also by Ramusius, Secretary to the 
Republic of Venice. 

In the year 1516, Henry the Vlllth sent Sebastian Cabot 
a second time with Sir Thomas Port, Vice Admiral of Eng- 
land to coast the continent and take possession thereof: and 
by virtue of this discovery and possession, the Kings of 
Endand have from time to time exercised their rio;ht to the 
lands, by granting particular portions thereof by fheir letters 
patent ; i-^me of which are as follow, viz. : 

June 1 1, 1578, Queen Elizabeth to Sir Humphry Gilbert. 

March 25, 1584, Queen Elizabeth to Walter Raleigh, 
Esq., who with Sir Francis Drake, in the next year, in time 
of war v/ith Spain, drove the Spaniards from Fort St. 
John, and the city of Augustine, (where they had lately set- 
tled) and thereby maintained the English rights even to Au- 
gustine itself. 

On the 30th of October, 1629, King Charles the 1st, by 
his letters patent to Sir Robert Heath, (then Attorney Gen- 

1S4 All Impartial Inquiry, Sfc. 

eral) and to his heirs and assigns, forever granted the rivers 
Matheo and Passamagno, and all the lands between the said 
rivers, (the first of which is in thirty degrees, and the last in 
thirty-six degrees of north latitude) and erected the same 
into a province, called Carolina. 

On the 24th of March, 1662, King Charles the lid, by 
his letters patent to Edward Earl of Clarendon, George 
Duke of Albemai'le, William Lord Craven, John Lord 
Berkely, Anthony Lord Ashley, Sir George Carteret, Baro- 
net, Sir William Berkely, and Sir John Colleton, their heirs 
and assigns forever, granted all that territory or tract of land 
within his dominions in America, not then cultivated or 
planted, extending from the north end of that island called 
Lucke Islalid, which lies in the Southern Virginia seas, and 
within thirty-six degrees of northern latitude ; and to the 
west as far as the South Seas ; and so southerly as far as the 
river St. Mathias, which borders upon the coast of Florida, 
and within thirty-one degrees of north latitude ; and so west 
in a direct line, as far as the South Seas aforesaid ; and 
made them the true and absolute lords and proprietors 
thereof. And by the said letters patent erected the same 
into a province, and called it Carolina. 

On the 30th of June, 1665, King Charles the ITd., at the 
request of the Lords Proprietors, extended the said pro- 
vince to the degree of 29, inclusive, north latitude, from the 
degree of 36 and 30 minutes, north latitude, and annexed 
and united the said enlarged territory to the said province. 

The river Matheo, or St. Mathias, which is part of the 
grant of king Charles the 1st, and of the first grant of king 
Charles the lid., is the '"same that is now commonly called 
St. Juan's, where the two Spanish forts were built which were 
taken last year; consequently the Spaniards, so far from hav- 
ing a just claim to any part of Georgia, are to be looked on 
as encroachers upon the English dominions ; and the spirit of 
Great Britain is properly exerted in maintaining her own 
rights, and checking their pretensions. 

If there are any persons of opinion that Georgia is not 
worth the further care of Great Britain, and that no more 
supports should be granted for it ; the following short con- 
siderations are recommended to them. It is notorious that 

* Appendix, No. 9. 

./?/i Impartial tnqu'mj, S^c. 185 

before the commencement of the war, Spain did claim this 
province, and that she had made preparations to take it 
by force ; and for effectually carrying on her designs, she 
endeavored privately to stir up insurrections among the 
negroes in South Carolina, and openly granted them protec- 
tion. It is likewise well known, that France has a longing 
eye on some place on this side of the continent ; that she 
has at different times, used all her arts to gain, and power 
to destroy those Indians in alliance with us, and who have 
been a sort of barrier against them. If therefore Georgia 
should be abandoned or neglected, and if either of those na- 
tions should become possessed of it, how troublesome, how 
dangerous, nay how ruinous must the neighborhood be to 
Carolina, and the adjacent setdements? If likewise the In- 
dians should think that Great Britain could not, or see that 
she would not assert and support her own possessions, how 
much more apt would they be to enter into friendship with 
those of whom they must have a better opinion? And how 
much more disposed, on any provocation, to disturb, insult, 
and even ravage our other plantadons ? . 

N. B. Since the greatest part of this Inquiry was printed, 
an account was received from Georgia on the 1 3th of this 
month of December, that some persons, who have been the 
chief instruments in working up among the people, a contempt 
of the magistracy, a repugnance to any improvements, ap- 
prehensions of immediate danger from the Spaniards, and a 
general dislike to the colony, have lately gone from thence ; 
and that some, who had fled into other provinces, are now 
complaining that they find a greater difficulty of subsisting, 
than in Georgia, and are repenting, that they had been se- 
duced to leave it. 

To show still further, that the province is in a better con- 
dition than has been represented, extracts of a letter, received 
by a private person, Mr. John Lyde, from Mr. Thomas Jones, 
a friend of his in Georgia, dated so late as the 18th of last 
September, are added in the ^Appendix. 

* Appendix, No. 9. 

24 • 


No. 1. 

The Deposition of Lieutenant Raymond Demar^, taken by Francis Moore, 
Recorder of Frederica in Georgia, the 19th day of January, 1738 — 9, 

This deponent says, That he arrived here on the first day 
of June, 1738, with a detachment of the regiment, and con- 
tinued with the same to the arrival of the second detachment 
in September last ; and that all the soldiers that came over 
with him, were in their turn employed to work in the sun 
and air in building huts, burning lime, carrying clapboards, 
and going into the water up to their necks to unload boats; 
and that they usually worked from five in the morning till 
between eleven and twelve ; and began again about half an' 
hour after one, and worked till night : and some also worked 
in clearing the ground from roots of trees, &c. for a parade ; 
and during all the said term, the men continued very healthy, 
not one man dying, except an old man, who came sick on 
board at Gibraltar, and who never worked. This deponent 
says, that during the whole time he never knew any man 
desire to be excused from labor on account of the heat ; and 
that the recruits who came from England, were more em- 
ployed than the old men who came from Gibraltar. This de- 
ponent further says, that he was ten years with my Lord Har- 
rington in Spain, and that he often felt the weather hotter 
there than in Georgia ; and that the peasants in Spain per- 
form all the works of husbandry without the assistance of ne- 


Raymond Demare. 

^n Impartial hiquiry, 8fc. 187 

The Deposition of Mr. Hugh Mackay, taken by Francis Moore, Recorder of 
Frederica in Georgia, the 19th day of January, 1738 — 9. 

This deponent declares upon oath, that he had the charge 
of seventeen of the Trustees' servants for the term of two 
years. The said servants worked very hard, and that they 
never lay by in summer, by reason of the heat of the weather. 
That they the last summer worked in the open air and sun, 
in felling of trees, cross-cutting and splitting of timber, and 
carrying it on their shoulders, when split, from the woods to 
the camp, and in building houses for the King's troops. And 
this deponent further says, that the said servants worked 
willingly and cheerfully, and continued in good health ; and 
that the said labor did not occasion any illness amongst 
them : and that when he left them about eight days ago, 
they were then all in good health, except one who was 
drowned by accident. 

Hugh Mackay. 

There are other affidavits to the s^me purpose. 

No. 2. 

Deposition of John Cuthbert, taken upon oath before Francis Moore, Recorder 

of Frederica in Georgia. 


This deponent says that he planted three crops in Geor- 
gia and verily believes that a white servant may in six 
months of the year, after the land is cleared, raise as much 
corn, peas, potatoes, pumpkins, &c. as will be more than 
sufficient for his provisions and clothing : and in the other 
six months, may be employed on lumber ; at which, by this 
deponent's experience, a white servant can at least earn two 
shillings sterling per diem : also that hogs, cattle and poultry, 
if taken care of, increase at a great rate, and with little 
expense. John Cuthbert. 

Philip Delegal the elder, of the parish of St. Margaret, 
Westminster, in the county of Middlesex, lieutenant in 
Captain Hugh Mackay's company of the regiment of foot in 
Georgia in America, aged fifty-five years and upwards, 
maketh oath, and saith, that he hath been in Carolina and 

188 An Impartial Inquiry, 8fc. 

Georgia for about fourteen years last past ; and saith, that 
the climate of Georgia is very healthy, by reason of the ^-eat 
number of rivers and streams of running waters within that 
province, and by reason of the fresh breezes from the sea, 
which blow in the middle of the hottest days. And further 
saith, that the soil of Georgia consists of four different sorts 
of land, the one of which is called pine-barren, (a sandy 
earth, which bears pine-trees,) another oak and hickory, or 
mixt land (being of a strong nature fit for grain,) the 3d, 
swamps, whereon grow very large and high trees ; and the 
4th, savannahs, whereon grow canes and grass, where the 
cattle feed : and that there is a good proportion in the whole 
province of the said different sorts of the soil. And this de- 
ponent saith, that both the black and white mulberry trees 
grow wild in Georgia, and are more or .less in every planta- 
tion. That vines grow also wild there ; and that about 
twenty miles up the country from St. Simon's, the trees for 
masts for shipping grow very tall. And this deponent saith, 
that the islands in Georgia are full of the prickly pear shrubs, 
which feed flies ; and that taking the flies off though green 
upon the shrub, and squeezing them, they dye the fingers 
with a deep red, which even with soap cannot easily be 
washed off, which this deponent verily believes to be the 
cochineal fly. And this deponent saith, that in the begin- 
ning of the year 1737, on the late alarms of the Spaniards, 
and before the independent company was incorporated into 
the regiment, he made an intrenchment, and fortified towards 
the sea the south-east point of St. Simon's island about ten 
miles from Frederica, with gabions filled with sandy earth ; 
between \vhich thirteen pieces of ordnance were placed. 
And this deponent saith, there is an house palisadoed with 
a battery of cannon at Amelia, by way of look-out, where a 
scout boat is stationed. And further saith, that in the year 
1736, in the west part of Cumberland island, St. Andrew's 
fort was erected. And that in the same year another fort 
was built at Frederica, consisting of a strong mud wall, with 
frizes all round, a square with four regular bastions, and a 
spur work towards the river, and a dry fosse pallisadoed on 
the outside, and stockaded in the inside, defended by can- 
non, and other ordnance. And that in the same year an- 
other fort was erected at Darien, consisting of two bastions, 
and two half bastions, which is so strong, that thirty or forty 

,^n Impartial Inquiry, S^c. 189 

men are sufficient to maintain it against three hundred ; and 
thai* it is also defended by several pieces of ordnance. And 
when this deponent left Gergia to look after further military 
preferment, for his long and faithful services, which was in 
June 1739, the said forts were all in a defensible condition. 
And this deponent saith, that three companies of General 
Oglethorpe's regiment are in quarters in a corner of St. Si- 
mon's Island, near which the soldiers, by joint labor, (when 
not on military duty) clear and plant the lands set out for 
them. And this deponent lastly saith, that the province of 
Georgia is the barrier and greatest security to Carolina, and 
the other northern provinces in America, and of the greatest 
importance to the British nation ; and that the produces 
which may be expected therefrom, will in time become very 
beneficial to its mother country. 

Philip Delegal, Sen'r. 
Sworn at the public office, March 11, 1739, before 

Frajnt. Eld. 

No. 3. 

Extract of a letter from the Saltzburghers, to his excellency General Oglethorpe. 

Ebenezer, March ISt'h, 1739. 
We Saltzburghers, and inhabitants of Ebenezer, that have 
signed this letter, humbly intreat in our, and our brethren's 
name, your Excellency would be pleased to sKow us the 
favor of desiring the honorable Trustees for sending to Geor- 
gia another transport of Saltzburghers to be settled at Eben- 
ezer. We have with one accord, wrote a letter to our father 
in God the reverend Mr. Senior Urlsperger, at Augsburgh, 
and in that letter expressly named those Saltzburghers and 
Austrians, whom, as our friends, relations, and countrymen, 
we wish to see settled here. We can indeed attest of them, 
that they fear the Lord truly, love working, and will conform 
themselves to our congregation. We have given them an 
account of our being settled well, and being mighty well 
pleased with the climate and condition of this country, hav- 
ing here several preferences in spiritual and temporal circum- 
stances to other people in Germany, which your honor will 
find in the inclosed copy of our letter to Mr. Senior Urls- 
perger. If they fare as we do, having been provided in the 

190 An Impartial Inquiry, '8fc. 

beginning with provisions, a little stock for bread, some tools, 
and good land, by the care of the honorable Trustees ; and 
if God grant a blessing to their work, we doubt not but they 
will gain with us easily their bread and subsistence, and lead 
a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty. 
Though it is here a hotter season than our native country, 
yet it is not so extremely hot as we were told in the first 
time of our arrival. But since we have been now used to 
the country, we find it tolerable, and for working people very 
convenient, setting themselves to work early in the morning 
till ten o'clock, and in the afternoon from three to sun-set. 
And having business at home, we do them in our huts and 
houses in the middle of the day, till the greatest heat is over. 
People in Germany are hindered by frost and snow in the 
winter from doing any work in the fields and vineyards ; but 
we have this preference, to do the most and heaviest work 
at such a time, preparing the ground sufficiently for planting 
in the spring. We were told by several people after our 
arrival, that it proves quite impossible and dangerous for 
white people to plant and manufacture any rice, being a work 
only for negroes, not for European people; but having expe- 
rience of the contrary, we laugh at such a talking, seeing 
that several people of us have had, in last harvest, a greater 
crop of rice than they wanted for their own consumption. 
Of corn, peas, potatoes, pumpkins, cabbage &c., we had such 
a good quantity, that many bushels were sold, and much was 
spent in feeding cows, calves, and hogs. 

We humbly beseech the Honorable Trustees, not to allow 
that any negroes might be brought to our place, or in our 
neighborhood ; knowing by experience that houses and 
gardens will be robbed always by them ; and white people 
are in danger of life from them, besides other great incon- 

[Signed by forty-nine men of the Saltzburghers.] 
And lower. 

We, ministers of the Saltburghers at Ebenezer, join with 
the Saltburghers in this petition, and verify that every one 
of them has signed it with the greatest readiness and satis- 

John Martin Bolzius, 
Israel Christian Gronau. 

Jin Impartial Inquiry^ 8fc. 191 

No. 5. 

Samuel Auspourguer, of the Canton of Berne in Swit- 
zerland, citizen, aged forty-two years and upwards, maketh 
oath, that in the year of our Lord, 1734, this deponent went 
to Purysburgh in South Carolina ; and that in the beginning 
of the year 1736, this deponent joined the colony of Geor- 
gia, and with the leave of the Honorable James Oglethorpe, 
Esq. laid out a tract of land in the southern part of the said 
colony, which this deponent has begun to improve for him- 
self, and has two men servants at w^ork thereon, with two 
children belonging to one of them. That this deponent left 
Georgia, the 18th day of July, 1739, on his return to Swit- 
zerland, to settle his private affairs, and to get some of his 
own country servants to return with him to Georgia, to go 
on with the cultivation of his said tract of land, consisting 
of five hundred acres. That the climate of Georgia is very 
healthy, there being quantities of running water, and con- 
stantly fine breezes from the sea in the middle of the hottest 
days. That the soil which this deponent knows the true 
nature of, is pine-barren, (a sandy earth which bears pine 
trees) and also oak and hickory, or mixt land and swamps. 
And that there is a good proportion of the said differefit 
, sorts of soil in Georgia. That the climate and soil is very 
fit for raising silk, wine and cotton ; for that the white mul- 
berry trees thrive exceedingly well, as also the vines, which 
have been cultivated there, bear exceeding good grapes, 
which this deponent tasted in July last in great perfection ; 
and being ripe so soon, can be gathered before the rains 
fall, which generally happen in September, or October. And 
that the cotton, by this deponent's own experience, who has 
planted the same there, grows very well in Georgia, a speci- 
men of this cotton this deponent brought over with him, and 
produced before the Trustees. All which produces this 
deponent saith can be raised by white persons, without the 
use of negroes. And this deponent saith, that the day he 
left Georgia in July last, he received from the hands of Mr. 
Thomas Jones, the Trustees' store-keeper at Savannah, a 
parcel of raw silk to be delivered to the Trustees in Eng- 
land, which the said store-keeper said was the produce of 
Georgia. And this deponent also saith, that he has seen 

192 ^n Impartial hiqiiiry, Sfc. 

the Italian family at Savannah in Georgia^ winding off silk 
from the cocoons, and that they have been there about four 
or five years. And this deponent further saith, that there 
are great numbers of prickly pear shrubs in Georgia, and 
thathe hath seen the fly feeding on the leaves, which this 
deponent verily believes to be the cochineal, he having 
squeezed the flies and tried them, and found the juice of 
them a deep red. And this deponent saith, that by industry 
people may raise a comfortable subsistence ; and by encour- 
agement to go on with these useful produces, may obtain 
thereby the other necessaries of life, and benefit themselves 
as well as Great Britain, by producing in time quantities 
thereof for export. And lastly this deponent saith, that in 
the year 1736, he built the fort at Frederica, to which there 
is four bastions, a ditch palisadoed, and a covered way de- 
fended by fifty pieces of cannon. And that he has also 
seen the fort at St. Andrews, built the same year by Capt. 
Hugh Mackay, which is a star work, with a ravelin at the 
bottom, defended by nine pieces of ordnance. And that 
when this deponent came from Georgia, he left them in a 
defensible condition. 

Samuel Augspourguer. 

Sworn at the public office, February 13, 1739, before 

W. Spicer. 

Sir, — The silk you was so kind to send to have my opin- 
ion of, is of as good a quality, in all appearance, as any we 
have from Italy : it is already as well sorted as it can be ; 
indeed the finer the more valuable, as it is so well cleaned. 

The price of raw silk is variable, but at present being dear, 
I think the greatest part of it is worth twenty shillings per 

I am, sir, your most humble serv't, 

John Zacharf. 

King- Street, Cheap Side, Jan. 16, 1739 — 40. 

To Mr. Harman Verelst. 

Jtii Impartial Inquiry, ^'c. 193 

No. 6. 

Extract of a Letter from Mrs. Martha Causton to the Trustees. 

Savannah, January 16, 1737. 

It is not without fear of presuming too far, that I trouble 
you with this, in order to inform you of the state of the silk 
worms, and the progress they made last season in this pro- 

They hatched in March, when the mulberry trees had 
been about three weeks in leaf. They were kept in a house, 
twenty -four feet long, wherein were five tables of the full 
length and width of the house : these tables were wholly 
covered with the worms, as are likewise the upper floor. 
Their number, regular disposition, and manner of working, 
drew many to see them, who looked upon the whole as mat- 
ter worthy of admiration. The Chickasaw Indians, who were 
here at that time, were in an exceeding manner delighted with 
them, never failing their attendance at the house twice a day, 
during their continuance at Savannah. I ordered an inter- 
preter to inform them that silk was for clothes, and one of 
them said, they had not those worms in their nation, but if 
they had, and knew the method of keeping them, they could 
return us yearly canoes laden with balls, having a great abun- 
dance of mulberry trees up in the country, to supply them 
with food. 

No. 8. 

Thomas Shubrick, of Ratcliffe Cross, in the County of 
Middlesex, Captain of the ship Mary Ann, aged twenty-nine 
years and upwards, maketh oath, that in March last he sailed 
with provisions for General Oglethorpe's regiment, to be de- 
livered at Frederica in Georgia, and arrived there the second 
day of June following. That this deponent touched first at 
Charlestown, and took in a pilot for Frederica. That he found 
the coast of Georgia as capable and secure for navigation, as 
any coast whatever. That at most places there is seven or 
eight fathom water within three or four leagues from the land, 
where any ship may stand into, and if necessity should re- 
quire, may anchor with the utmost safety, the ground being 


194 An Impartial Inquiry, 8fc. 

all clean sand from one end of the coast to the other. That 
the entry at Jekyl sound is very safe, and that he found upon 
the bar there, as he sounded when he went over at young 
flood, seventeen feet water ; so that upon that bar this depo- 
nent computes at low water to be at least fifteen feet water, 
and at high water full twenty -two feet water, whereby forty 
gun ships may safely go over it, and when in the sound, 
which is large and well land-locked, twelve men-of-war may 
ride in safety. And this deponent saith, that the river in 
Georgia flowing from that sound will contain a great number 
of ships in smooth water. And this deponent further saith, 
that upon the bar at Charlestown, in South Carolina, there is 
only eleven feet at low water, and eighteen feet at high water. 
And this deponent lastly saith, that he has seen very fine 
knee timber in Georgia, fit for shipping, which grows near 
the sea ; and when on shore, and view ing the soil in those 
parts, saw exceeding rich land there, having fine mould about 
two feet deep. Thomas Shubrick. 

Sworn at the public oflice, February 20, 1739, before 

Thomas Benj^ett. 

George Dymond, of Golden Land, London, late mate of 
his Majesty's ship the Princess Caroline, aged forty-six 
years and upwards, maketh oath and saith, that he, this de- 
ponent, has been three voyages from Europe to Georgia in 
America, and one voyage from Georgia to Pennsylvania, and 
back on board the ship Peter and James, whereof he was 
master. That the last time this deponent left Georgia was 
in the month of January, 1737; that by reason of his said 
several voyages there, and his having been employed as a 
store-ship and guard-ship in the southern part of Georgia, 
he was well acquainted with the coast and harbors and the 
climate ; and the then state and condition of the said colo- 
ny ; and saith that about four years ago, the Trustees erect- 
ed, at the island of Tybee, a very high beacon or land mark, 
visible four leagues at sea, which is of the utmost use to all 
ships sailing on that coast, there being no other land mark 
on that, or on the coast of Carolina ; whereby ships not only 
know the bar of Tybee, but have also a direction by that, to 
know the coast they ai-e on, which before that beacon was 
erected, they were at a very great loss to know. That the 
bar at Tybee is a very safe entrance, where ships of four 

^n Impartial Inquiry, Sfc. 195 

hundred tons, without altenng their course, may run directly 
from the sea over the bar, whereon there is fifteen feet at 
low water, and twenty-two feet at high water, and that creek 
and the river Savannah communicating therewith, will con- 
tain in safety four hundred or five hundred sail of ships in 
smooth water. That about six years ago the town of Savan- 
nah was erected on a bluff, about ten miles from Tybee creek, 
to which town ships of three hundred tons may safely go up. 
That when this deponent was last there he verily believes 
there were upwards of two hundred houses built in the said 
town, most of which were then inhabited. And this deponent 
saith, that the coast of Georgia is as convenient and secure 
for navigation, as any coast in the world ; for that at most 
places there is seven or eight fathom water within three or 
four leagues from the land, where any ship may stand into, 
and if necessity should require, may anchor with the utmost 
safety, the ground being all clean sand from one end of the 
coast to the other; and this deponent saith, he never heard 
of any ship that put on that shore by stress of weather, for 
that the wind seldom or never blows hard upon the land ; 
and if any ships have ever run on shore there, it must have 
been chiefly owing to mistakes, which the beacon erected at 
Tybee may for the future very likely prevent. And this de- 
ponent saith, that there is the same depth of water upon the 
bar at Jekyl harbor, as there is upon the bar at Tybee, where- 
by forty-gun ships may safely go over either of those bars. 
That Jekyl harbor is so large and land-locked, that twelve 
men-of-war may securely ride therein ; and that the river 
belonging to that harbor is so large, and hath such a depth 
of water, as to be able to contain above one thousand sail 
of ships in smooth water. That about three years ago, 
the town of Frederica was erected, about six miles on a 
straight line from Jekyl harbor, where several houses were 
built, as also a very strong defensible fort ; and another fort 
was begun at St. Simons. And this deponent saith, that 
the climate of Georgia is very healthy, the latitude of Tybee 
being in thirty-two degrees, and of Jekyl in thirty-one de- 
grees northern latitude, which climate is capable of producing 
silk, wine, and cotton, for no vegetables thrive faster any 
where, than the mulberry trees in Georgia ; and this depo- 
nent verily believes, that wine may be brought to as great 
a perfection in Georgia as in Spain, and be much the same 

196 ^n Impartial Inquiry, 8^c. 

sort, the vines growing wild, and the grapes therefrom being 
well tasted, which by transplanting and cultivation will im- 
prove : and this deponent has no doubt but they will thrive 
very well ; and this deponent saith, he is the more satisfied 
thereof, for that several Spaniards of St. Augustine, who 
came from Andalusia in old Spain, with whom this deponent 
frequently conversed, told him that Georgia would produce 
every thing that old Spain did ; and this deponent brought 
over with him several pods of cotton, which grew in Geor- 
gia ; and this deponent saith, the prickly pear shrubs grow 
wild in Georgia, and that he hath seen several of the flies, 
which feed thereon, and believes they are the cochineal, for 
by squeezing the insect, though green to appearance, yet 
the juice of it is a fine scarlet. And this deponent saith, 
that he has seen very good timber for masts in Georgia, 
which grow very high, and near navigable rivers to be float- 
ed down : that there are also great quantities of live oak in 
Georgia fit for building ships : and that the carpenter of the 
King's sloop, the Hawk, stationed in Georgia, told this depo- 
nent, that the timber for masts in Georgia were fit for the 
largest men-of-war. And this deponent further saith, that 
the province of Georgia, being settled and fortified, is the 
greatest barrier and security, not only to Carolina, but to all 
the northern provinces in America ; and that colony having 
no negroes (which this deponent believes are no way neces- 
sary for the raising of silk, wine, cotton, or cochineal) is 
thereby of the greatest use and consequence to Carolina, to 
prevent the running away of their negro slaves. And this 
deponent lastly saith, that in his judgment and opinion the 
said colony of Georgia, is of great moment and importance 
to the British nation, and that the produce thereof will, in 
process of time, become very profitable and beneficial to its 
mother country. 

Sworn at the Public Ofiice, March 7, 1739, before 

W. Spicer. 

William Thomson, of London, mariner, aged thirty years 
and upwards," maketh oath, and saith, that he this deponent, 
has been six voyages from Europe to Georgia in America ; 
that this deponent left Georgia in the month of March last ; 
that he is well acquainted with the coast, harbors, and climate 
of Georgia ; that the beacon or land mark at the island of 

.^n Impartial Inquiry, 8c c. > 197 

Tybee, erected by the Trustees, is visible above four leagues 
at sea, and is of the greatest consequence to all ships com- 
ing upon that coast ; that the bar at Tybee is a very safe 
entrance, whereon there is at least fifteen feet at low water, 
and twenty-two feet at high water, in common tides ; that 
the town of Savannah is about ten miles up the river from 
Tybee, to which place ships of three hundred tons may go 
up with safety ; that the sea coast from Tybee to Jekyl, four 
leagues from the land, is all even ground, not less than seven 
or eight fathom water, and any ship keeping in such a depth 
of water, may steer along that coast with the greatest safety, 
and anchor if they have occasion ; for no dangerous banks 
reach so far from land ; that on the bar at Jekyl there is 
much the same depth of water, as at Tybee, and when over 
the bar, there is a very convenient harbor for almost any 
number of ships ; that the town of Frederica is about ten 
miles up the river from Jekyl, upon the island of St. Simons, 
and when this deponent last left Georgia, the said town was 
begun to be fortified round, but a fort was before erected in 
the front of the said town, commanding the river both ways, 
where the town guard was kept, which w^as built large enough 
upon occasion to contain the inhabitants of the said town ; 
that three companies of General Oglethorpe's regiment w^ere 
encamped on the south point of the said island, and most of 
the soldiers had lots of land set out near the camp, which 
they cultivated when not on duty ; that on the west part of 
Cumberland island, the star w^ork fort of St. Andrew is built, 
that the climate of Georgia is very healthy, and the soil much 
the same as in South Carolina ; and that vines and mulberry 
trees grow wild thereon ; that the possessing Georgia so far 
to the southward, and settling the same with white inhabi- 
tants is a very great security to all his Majesty's northern 
colonies in America, and particularly to that of South Carolina. 

William Thomson. 

Sworn at the public office this 26th day of August, 1740, 
before me, M. Thurston. 

198 An Impartial Inquiry, %'c. 

No. 9. 

Fredcrica in Georgia, That is to say : 

The Deposition of John Fred, Pilot on board his Majesty's Ship the Flambo- 
rough, taken before Francis Moore, Pvecorder of the Town of Frederica. 

This deponent says, that in the y6ar 1729, he was taken 
prisoner by a Spanish Guarda Coast from the Havannah, in 
about the latitude of 24, 40 ; that the Guarda Coast, who 
took this deponent prisoner, instead of falling in with St. Au- 
gustine, as they intended, fell into the northward of that port 
about fourteen leagues, at the mouth of the river St. Matthaeo. 
This deponent says, that he knows the said river to be St. 
Matthaso, and that the Spaniards on board the Guarda Coast, 
and those at Augustine, called it by the same name. And 
this deponent knows, that the river St. John's is within the 
bar at Augustine, and that the river which the Spaniards now 
call St. John's, is what was called St. Matthaeo ; but why 
they have changed that name, he does not know. And this 
deponent further says, that his knowledge of the river St. 
Matthaeo arises from draughts, and from the declaration of the 
Spaniards, themselves ; that he has made the entrance of the 
said river several times, and saw the sand hills and entrance 
of the said river this voyage. John Fred. 

Sworn to before me the 25th day of January, 1739 — 40. 

Fra. Moore. 

No. 10. 

Extracts of a Letter from Mr. Thomas Jones to Mr. John Lyde, dated at Sa- 
vannah, September 18, 1740. 

When I arrived at Savannah, I took lodgings, and boarded 
at a gentlewoman's house, (Mrs. Vanderplank) where I have 
continued hitherto, but intend shortly to remove to my own 
house in town, or to an house of the Trustees, now vacant, 
having a small but agreeable family, viz. a man and maid 
servant, also one Mr. Harris, recommended to me by your 
friend in Fosket ; he is a person of great integrity, has been 
very serviceable to me, and in some measure made up the 
disappointment I met with in others ; and one William Rus- 

^n Impartial Inquiry, fyc. 199 

sel, a sober youth, whom I employ in writing for me. My 
little family (may we be more thankful) have been very heal- 
thy ; we abound in the necessary conveniences of life ; are 
well supplied with fresh provisions, viz. beef from 1 \-2d to 
2 l-2d per lb. Pork from 2rf. to 2 \-2d. per lb. Veal from 
2 l-2d to 3d per lb. Mutton (being yet very scarce) is from 
4 l-2c/. to 5d per lb. Tame fowl we have plenty of, there- 
fore seldom buy any, nor wild fowl, and fish, which we 
abound with. Mr. Harris, who is an expert fowler, some- 
times goes out with his gun, and seldom fails of bringing in 
either wild turkey, curlews, rabbit, partridge, squirrel, ducks, 
or geese, (in their season) sometimes venison, but that, and 
bear, &c. the Indians supply us with often. As to our liquors, 
we have wine, chiefly Madeira or Vidonia, which cost us 
from 3s. to 3s. Qd. a gallon ; strong beer 20s. per barrel, of 
30 gallons ; cider 10s. per barrel. Our small beer we brew 
of molasses, and is cheap. Coffee about 18d per lb. Tea 
from 5s. to 7s. per lb. The finest wheat flout is at \d. per 
lb. I bake my own bread generally with half wheat, and 
half Indian wheat flour; the Indian wheat is sold from \0d. 
to 18f/. per bushel, is well tasted, and very nourishing bread. 
The finest rice is sold here from 3s. Qd. to 5s. per hundred 
weight. We have good store of pulse, roots, and pot-herbs, 
such as peas, and beans of divers kinds, (many of them yet 
unknov/n in England) pumpkins, musk and water mellons, 
potatoes and generally all the roots and herbs used in Eng- 
land. As to our fruit, the most common are peaches and 
nectarines, (I believe that I had a hundred bushels of the 
former this year in my little garden in the town) we have 
also apples of divers kinds, chincopin nuts, walnut, chesnut, 
hickory and ground nuts ; several sorts of berries, besides 
those comn^on with you ; very good grapes ; but no oranges 
grow nearer than Amelia to the southward. We have ex- 
ceeding fine water at Savannah, fire wood very reasonable ; 
such as have houses of their own, have no other burthen than 
performing or paying for their guard duty in their turn. There 
are no taxes ; all public buildings, and other such works such 
as bridges, roads, &,c. have been carried on at the expense 
of the trustees. I have not seen any part of the world, where 
persons that would labor, and used any industry, might live 
more comfortably. 

Having mentioned Darien, which is a town inhabited by 

200 ^n Impartial Inqiimj, Sj'c. 

the Highland Scotch, under the care of Mr. McCloud, the 
people live very comfortably, with great unanimity : 1 know 
of no other settlement in this colony more desirable, except 
Ebenezer, a town on the river Savannah, at thirty-five miles 
distance from hence, inhabited by Saltzburghers and other 
Germans, under the pastoral care of Mr. Bolzius and Mr. 
Gronau, who are discreet, worthy men ; they consist of sixty 
families or upwards. The town is neatly built, the situation 
exceeding pleasant, the people live in the greatest harmony 
with their ministers, and with one another, as one family ; 
they have no idle, drunken, or profligate people among them, 
but are industrious, many grown w^ealthy ; and their in- 
dustry hath been blessed with remarkable and uncommon 
success, to the envy of their neighbors ; having great plenty 
of all the necessary conveniences for life (except clothing) 
within themselves ; and supply this town with brjead kind, 
as also beef, veal, pork, poultry, &,c. 

Many artifices have been made use of to gain over these 
Germans and the Darien people, to join with the discontent- 
ed party here, in petitioning for negro slaves ; and since they 
could not be prevailed on, letters have been wrote to them 
from England, endeavoring to intimidate them into a com- 

I have already exceeded the limits of a letter, and perhaps 
trespassed on my friends' patience, by entering into a detail 
of matters not very entertaining ; yet I thought it neces- 
sary, lest my friends should conclude, that if living, I was 
wholly deprived of ray reason, by remaining in a country 
(represented to be) wholly destitute of the common neces- 
saries of life ; or that necessity obliged me to continue in it, 
or else that an eager desire of wealth might tempt me to 
run any hazard ; this last I am well assured my Jriends, who 
have known my conversation and manner of life in England, 
would hardly believe to be the case with me, whatever in- 
stances may be given of persons, who have run great risks 
in their healths and hves on that account. 

I hinted to you in my last, that I enjoyed a better state of 
health since I came in this colony, than I had for some years 
past ; my friends here have the same, though many of the 
inhabitants have had fluxes or intermitting fevers frequently, 
(often occasioned by intemperance) yet few die of those 
distempers. I have carefully inquired into the account of 

An Impartial Inquiry, 8^c, 201 

our births and burials at Savannah, and its districts, for one 
year past, and find the former has exceeded the latter, as 
three to two. I have not known any town, or place in 
England, where fewer have died in that space of time, in 
proportion to the inhabitants. I have this day (that I might 
be at a greater certainty) inquired at Mr. Whitefield's (who 
has by far the largest family of any in this colony consisting 
of near one hundred and fifty persons) and received the 
following account from Mr. Habersham, (who has the care 
and direction of the family in Mr. Whitefield's absence) that 
their family consists of sixty persons, including hired ser- 
vants, sixty-one orphans, and other poor children, twenty- 
five \vorking tradesmen, and others, in all one hundred and 
forty-six, exclusive of many others, who have remained at 
their house a month, two or three months at a time, (and 
have been accounted to be of their family) and that all the 
family are in good health. 








Increase of our People, and the Employment and Support it 

will afford to great JYumbers of our own Poor, as well 

foreign persecuted Protestants. 

With some Account of the Country, and the design of the 


Hoc Natura praescribit, ut homo homini, quicunque sit, ob earn ipsam Causam ta- 
men, quod is homo sit, consultum velit. 

Cicero De Officiis, Lib. III. 





It is undoubtedly a self-evident maxim, that the wealth of 
a nation consists in the number of her people. But this 
holds true so far only, as employment is, or can be found for 
them ; if there be any poor, who do not, or cannot add to 
the riches of their country by labor, they must lie a dead 
weight on the public ; and as every wise government, hke 
the bees, should not sufTer any drones in the state, these 
poor should be situated in such places, where they might be 
easy themselves, and useful to the commonwealth. 

If this can be done by transplanting such as are necessi- 
tous and starving here, and consequently unnecessary; it is 
incumbent on us, at this time more particularly, to promote 
and enlarge our settlements abroad with unusual industry, 
when the attention of almost all the powers in Europe is 
turned towards the improvement of theirs. The French are 
continually undermining us both in the East and West In- 
dies. The Emperor is attempting the same : Portugal owes 
her riches chiefly to her plantations : Sweden, Denmark, and 
Germany find themselves poor, because they have none at 
present, though they abound with laborious men. The col- 
onies of Spain supply the want of industry in her natives, 
and trade in her towns. If the scarcity of her people at home 
is imputed to them, I think it unjust ; it is evidently owing 
to the nature of her government, her religion, and its Inqui- 
sition : As may be seen by Italy, who has no colonies, yet is 
thin of inhabitants, especially in the Pope's dominions. And 
though of as rich a soil as any in the world, yet her people are 
poor, and the country in many places uncultivated, by shut- 
ting up those, who would serve their Maker in a better man- 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 205 

ner by being industrious, and would be more useful mem- 
bers of society as ploughmen than as monks. 

It is at all times our interest to naturalize as much as we 
can the products of other countries; especially such as we 
purchase of foreigners with ready money, or otherwise to 
our disadvantage ; such as are necessary or useful to sup- 
port, or carry on our manufactures : such as we have a great 
demand for : and such as we can raise oui'selves as good in 
kind as any other country can furnish us with. Because by 
so doing we not only gain a new provision for our poor, and 
an increase of our people by increasing their employment ; 
but by raising such materials ourselves, our manufactures 
come the cheaper to us, whereby we are enabled to cope 
with other nations in foreign markets, and at the same time 
prevent our home consumption of them being a luxury too 
prejudicial to us. 

I hope in the following tract to make these evidently ap- 
pear, and show the advantages that must accrue to our trade 
by establishing the colony of Georgia. I shall give some 
account of the country, and the proceedings of the Trustees, 
and with candor take notice of the objections that are made 
to this design, and endeavor to answer them in the clearest 
and fullest manner I can. I think it may be proved that we 
have many, who are, and will be useless at home, and that 
the settling such a colony with these, and the foreign perse- 
cuted Protestants, is consistent with the interest and reputa- 
tion of Great Britain. 

To show the disadvantage under which we purchase 
some of the products of other countries, I shall begin with 
the Italian trade, the balance of which is every year above 
three hundred thousand pounds against us, as appears by 
accounts taken from the custom-house books. And this 
balance is occasioned by the large importation of silk, 
bought there with our ready money, though we can raise 
raw silk of equal goodness in Georgia, and are now ena- 
bled to work it up here in as great perfection as the Italians 

That we can raise it, we have sufficient proof by an im- 
portation of it from Carolina for several years, though for 
want of hands only to carry it on, the quantity imported has 
been too small for any thing more than trials. With many 
navigable rivers for the convenience of its trade, the country 

206 Reaso7is fo7' Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

is extremely rich and fruitful. It produces white mulberry- 
trees wild, and in great abundance. The air, as it is healthy 
for man, (the latitude about thirty-two,) is also proper for the 
silk worms; and as care is the principal thing requisite in nour- 
ishing and feeding these, every person from childhood to old 
age can be of use. But the goodness of this silk will appear 
fully by the following letter from a gendeman, whose name 
will carry more weight than any thing I can offer in behalf 
of it. This letter was written to the Trustees for establish- 
ing the colony. On application to them, I obtained a copy 
of it, which is here printed with the gentleman's leave. 

To the Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

Gentlemen, — In writing this answer to the letter, which 
I had the honor to receive from you, dated the 29th instant, 
wherein you desire to know my sendments of an under- 
taking to raise raw silk in your new settlement in Georgia : 
of the probabifity of succeeding therein : the proper steps to 
be taken to bring that work to perfection : and my opinion 
of the nature, quality, and use of the raw silk produced in 
Carolina. It is a great pleasure to me, that from experi- 
ments which I made some years ago, I can now, besides my 
opinion, give you some information concerning that silk, 
which may be depended on. 

The value and usefulness of the undertaking will appear 
as soon as we consider, that all the silk consumed in this 
kingdom is now of foreign growth, and manufacture, which 
costs the nation very great sums of money yearly to pur- 
chase, and that the raising our supply thereof in his Ma- 
jesty's dominions in America, would save us all that money, 
afford employment to many thousands of his Majesty's sub- 
jects, and greatly increase the trade and navigadon of Great 
Britain. It appears to me as beneficial to this kingdom, 
attended with as little hazard or difficulty, as much wanted, 
and which may as soon be brought to perfection in a proper 
climate, as any undertaking so considerable in itself, that I 
ever heard of. I therefore think, there is a very great pro- 
bability of its succeeding, if such proper measures are pur- 
sued, and such assistance afforded to the poor people at 
their first setting out, as are necessary to settle, instruct, and 
encourage them. 

The silk produced in Carolina has as much natural 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 207 

strength and beauty, as the silk of Italy, (which is commonly 
called fine silk,) and by the several experiments I have tried 
with it, I am satisfied, it may be made to answer the same 
purposes as Italian silk now does, if it be reeled in short 
skeins, a fine, clean, and even thread ; to effect which, if 
some experienced persons are at first sent to teach the 
people, the work will soon be made easy to the meanest 
capacity, and the value of the silk will be thereby greatly 

As for my own part, if at any time you should think I can 
be of use to promote so good a work, I shall be ready to exe- 
cute your commands, as far as I am able, and always remain, 
Gentlemen, your most obedient, humble servant, 

Tho. Lombe. 

Old Jewry, Jan. 31, 1732. 

On inquiry I have found, that the Trustees have some time 
ago taken care of what Sir Thomas Lombe so much recom- 
mends to them. They have sent to Italy for a sufl^icient 
quantity of silkworms' eggs : they have engaged two or three 
Piedmontese to go and settle in Georgia, and instruct the 
people : one of these, a man of capacity and long experience 
in the business, went with the first embarkation. They like- 
wise in all their grants of land, to those who go at their own 
expense, as well as those who are sent on the Charity, oblige 
the people to keep a sufficient number of white mulberry 
trees standing on every acre, or else to plant them where 
they are wanted. 

If an objection should arise here, that by raising this silk 
ourselves, and reducing the importation from Italy, we may 
likewise reduce our exportation thither, by her resolving to 
take none of our goods : to this it may be answered, she takes 
none but what she is, and wall be obliged to take ; and even 
of that little she takes at present, but a very small part is 
either sold or consumed in those particular States, from 
whence we have our supply of Italian silk, which we buy 
in the dominions of the king of Sardinia, the Venetians, and 
the Pope, and seldom or never any otherwise than for ready 
money. As Italy consists of several small governments, 
whose interests are independent of each other, no disadvan- 
tages in trade, arising from the conduct of Great Britain to 
any one of them, will be either felt or resented by the rest. 

208 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

From whence it is clear, that our not taking the usual quan- 
tity of organzine (i. e. thrown silk) from Piedmont, will not be 
attended by any loss in our exportation to Tuscany, Genoa, 
or any of the other States. 

The greatest part of the silk imported from Italy comes in 
ready thrown, which is owing to the king of Sardinia's pro- 
hibiting the exportation of any raw silk out of his dominions, 
since the erecting of Sir Thomas Lombe's valuable engine 
for throwing it here. This should make us double our dili- 
gence, and without further loss of time set about raising raw 
silk for ourselves, and thereby save so great an expense to 
the nation. The quantity of Italian thrown silk (exclusive 
of raw silk of all sorts) imported for many years past, may be 
computed at three hundred thousand pounds weight per an- 
num, which at 20s. per pound of sixteen ounces, amounts to 
three hundred thousand pounds in money. The cost of the 
hke pound of Italian raw silk is from 10 to 15s. according to its 
goodness and fineness. If then the aforesaid quantity could 
be had, was imported in raw silk, and made into organzine 
(i. e. thrown silk) at home by the said engines, supposing the 
raw silk to cost 13s. per pound on an average : in such case, 
one hundred and five thousand pounds would be annually 
saved, and gained to the nation by the labor of our own 
people. But in this we are at present obstructed by the pro- 
hibitions in Italy, that would oblige us to take their silk ready 

Since Sir Thomas Lombe has erected, and brought to 
perfection, his engines at Derby for working fine raw silk 
into organzine, the price of that commodity is greatly re- 
duced abroad, and several of our manufactures have been 
thereby much improved at home. 

By raising raw silk in Georgia, and gaining it at so easy a 
rate for manufacturing here, we shall save not only the large 
sum paid annually to the Italians, but we shall likewise pre- 
vent a very large sum going every year into France for her 
wrought ones ; which are almost all of them clandestinely 
imported, as may be seen by the following account of all the 
wrought silk publicly imported directly from France, and 
entered at the custom house. 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 209 


Silk wrought. 


Ik mixed with gold and 

In 1724 

80 lb. weight. 





33 lb. weight. 


7 i 



19 i 


29 i 



14 tV 


37 i 

26 i 

As it is notorious how great the consumption of French 
silks is in England, the little public importation of them 
must be a very great surprise, and becomes a matter of 
public consideration to prevent so great a loss to our reve- 
nue, and so great a prejudice to our manufactury. 

This may be partly prevented (as I observed just now) 
by making the manufacture and sale of our own so much 
cheaper ; for the high value of our silks is a great inducement 
to the wearing those of France, who can make hers more 
substantial, and aflbrd them cheaper, as she raises most of 
her raw silk within her own dominions, and receives the 
remainder from Italy on easier terms than we do, viz. the 
exchange of her goods, which are admitted by the Italians, 
paying less duties than the manufactures of England : be- 
sides, the nearness of her situation to Italy, and cheapness 
of labor, make her too potent a rival for us to contend with 
in the silk trade, in our present circumstances. 

The Italian, French, Dutch, Indian and China silks im- 
ported thrown and wrought only (including what are clan- 
destinely run) may, on the most moderate computation, be 
reckoned to cost us five hundred thousand pounds per 
annum, which may all be saved by raising the raw silk in 
Geoi'gia, and afterwards working it up here, now we have 
attained the arts of making raw silk into organzine, and pre- 
paring it for our weavers, who can w^eave it into all sorts of 
wrought silks, in as great perfection as any nation of the 
world ; so that we only want the staple (or raw silk) and to 
have it at a reasonable rate. With this Georgia will abun- 
dantly supply us, if we are not wanting to ourselves, and do 
not neglect the opportunity, which Providence has thrown 
into our hands. 

The saving this five hundred thousand pounds per annum 


210 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, 

is not all ; but our supplying ourselves with raw silk from 
Georgia carries this further advantage along with it, that it 
will provide a new or additional employment for at least 
twenty thousand people in Georgia, for about four months 
in the year, during the silk season ; and at least twenty 
thousand more of our poor here, all the year round, in work- 
ing the raw silk, and preparing such manufactures as we 
send in return ; or to purchase the said raw silk in Georgia, 
to which country our merchants will trade to much greater 
advantage, than they can expect to do to Italy, and yet the 
exportation to this place will (as I said before) be in all 
probability preserved. 

This great advantage and saving will arise by supplying 
our own consumption only, which we may carry much far- 
ther, and extend to a foreign exportation, because raw silk 
may be raised much cheaper in Georgia, where land is to be 
had on easy terms, and mulberry-trees abound, than in Italy 
where both are very dear, where the poor man gives half 
the produce of his labor for the mulberry-leaves, which he 
gathers on the gentleman's grounds. As the cost then of 
the mulberry -leaves are reckoned half the charge of making 
raw silk in Italy, the people of Georgia, who may have them 
for nothing but the trouble of gathering, will have this vast 
advantage above the Italians. 

The work of making raw silk is easy, the silk worms will 
multiply prodigiously in such a country as Georgia, (every 
worm is supposed to lay above two hundred eggs, as well 
as spin three thousand yards of silk,) and where there is 
such a number of white mulberry-trees, a sufficient quantity 
of silk might soon be raised to supply all Europe, if there 
were hands enough properly instructed to carry on the work. 

If then we consider how cheap, and in what large quan- 
tities raw silk may be raised in Georgia ; that we are now 
masters of all the arts of manufacturing it at home, and 
thereby enabled not only to supply our own consumption, 
but that of our neighbors also; we may soon hope, instead 
of paying a tribute of five hundred thousand pounds per an- 
num, as we now do to Italy, France, Holland, and the East 
Indies, to see the silk manufacture made as useful and profit- 
able to us at home, as the woollen now is. 

It is well known, that with the same ease with which we 
can raise silk in Georgia, we can supply ourselves with flax, 
hemp and potashes. (For this last trade some are ready to 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 211 

embark to settle there at their own expenses.) These mate- 
rials we bring at present not only from the east country, and 
other places, but great quantities from Russia, where the 
balance is every year very strong against us, as will appear 
by the following account of importation from thence for the 
three years, which could most conveniently be got. This 
account shows the total value of the importation of all goods 
from Russia for each year; the value of our exportation 
thither, and the excess of the former, which is so much 
money paid by us to Russia. It likewise shows the quantity 
and value of the flax, hemp and potashes imported from 
thence. By charging these articles to Geogia, (where they 
can be raised,) and by subtracting the importation of them 
from thence, from the excess of the importation from Russia, 
the reader will see the balance against us is greatly reduced. 




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212 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

Besides these great quantities of flax and hemp which are 
imported rough, great quantities hkewise are brought from 
thence ready drest, and the article of linen from Russia is 
very considerable. If then sufficient quantities of rough 
flax can be raised in Georgia, and our linen manufactory at 
home encouraged, as it was in king William's reign, the 
balance of trade with Russia will be on our side, instead of 
being so much against us, and we shall gain much more 
employment for our people here. 

Though these articles are so very considerable, and enough 
to justify the settling such a colony as Georgia ; they are not 
the only ones in which she will be advantageous to us. She 
can supply us with indigo, cochineal, olives, dying woods, 
and drugs of various kinds, and many others which are need- 
less to enumerate. One article more I shall mention, viz. 
wine, of which (as she is about the same latitude with Ma- 
deira) she may raise, with proper application and care, suffi- 
cient quantities, not only for part of our consumption at home, 
but also for the supply of our other plantations, instead 
of their going to Madeira for it. The country abounds with 
variety of grapes, and the Madeira vines are known to thrive 
there extremely well. A gentleman of great experience in 
Botany, who has a salary from the Trustees, by a particular 
contribution of some noblemen and gentlemen for that pur- 
pose, sailed from hence almost five months ago, to procure 
the seeds and roots of all useful plants. He has already, I 
hear, sent from Madeira a great number of malmsey, and 
other vines to Charlestown, for the use of Georgia, with pro- 
per instructions for cultivating the vines, and making the 

If it is granted then, that great benefits will arise to our trade 
from such a colony, which is to interfere as litde as possible 
with the products of our other plantations ; the next consi- 
deration is, whether this can, or should be established by our 
people, who are useless at home, or whether we have any 
who are so. And here it will be proper to take notice of two 
objections (the only ones I have heard) that have been started 
by some people to this design, and for various reasons. By 
some from their want of attention to, and examination of it, 
and the real state of our trade : by some, from their constant 
diffidence of the success of any undertaking, how good 
soever the prospect may be : by some, from their natural 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 213 

disposition to censure every thing, in which they are not 
themselves concerned, and their thinking another man's 
generosity and public spirit a tacit reflection on their want 
of them : by some from their unwillingness to contribute, and 
a desire to cover their avarice under a dislike of their design : 
and by others, from a sincere opinion of the force of the ob- 
jections, and the prejudice this colony may be to England. 

To these last I would offer such aro-uments as occur to 
me in answer to their objections, and hope they will be found 
as satisfactory, as they appear to me convincing. 

Obj. 1. Our colonies may in time grow too great for us, 
and throw off their dependency. 

Obj. 2. The planting such a colony will take off our 
people, who are wanted to cultivate our lands at home. 

These are objections which stand against all colonies in 
general, and the last of them (as appears from the writings of 
Sir Josiah Child and Mr. Penn) has been made to the settling 
all our old ones ; and yet I will appeal to every man of re- 
flection and knowledge, whether our trade is not at present 
chiefly supported by them. 

It is well known how indefatigable our neighbors have been 
in promoting their foreign settlements ever since the last 
war; so that the more they can raise there for their own 
supplies, the less occasion they must have for us. It is no- 
torious likewise, what footing the French have on the conti- 
nent in America, and with what industry they have been, 
and will be extending themselves. Is it reasonable then to 
let so rich and fertile a country fall entirely into their posses- 
sion ? Or at best, to let our part of it lay absolutely useless 
to us, while they are making so great an improvement of. 
theirs ? No certainly ; we should anticipate them, and as 
w^e have the most convenient part of it, we should secure it, 
and be making our advantages, at the same time they are 
pursuing theirs with such applicadon and steadiness. 

But to answer these objections in a more particular man- 

1. Our colonies may in time grow too great for us, and 
throw off their dependency. 

If they are governed by such mild and wholesome laws 
as the English are ; if these laws give them so full a secu- 
rity of their properties, is it to be imagined they will have 
recourse to a foreign power, where all their possessions must 

214 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

become immediately precarious ? But, says the objector, as 
they want nothing from us, they may set up for an indepen- 
dency, and form themselves into a government of their own. 
To this it may be said, they do, and always will retain a love 
for their native country : we see every day, that in most of 
the plantations as they raise their families, they send their 
children hither for education ; and as they raise their estates, 
they send over the produce of their labor to be vested in 
our funds, or in the purchase of our lands, which are the best 
hostages we can have for their behavior : while they are free, 
they never run the risk of losing their possessions, and gain- 
ing the displeasure of their mother country ; they will always 
be secure while our constitution is preserved ; till we are 
oppressed at home, they will never think of an indepen- 
dency : and when we are, it will be of little consequence to 
us what will become of our colonies. 

But should this objection have any force against some of 
our other colonies, I think it cannot hold against this of 
Georgia, as England must be the market for the greatest 
part of her produce, as her people must send to England for 
all their manufactures, and as they will be setdecl with a 
stricter regard to the interests of their native country, and a 
more equal distribution of lands, the want of which has 
been so prejudicial to the well-settling of Jamaica. If there 
should be any reason then to apprehend a danger from any 
of our other settlements, it would certainly be prudent to 
have some absolutely dependent upon us, that might be a 
balance to the power of the others. 

So short an answer may perhaps be sufficient to clear up 
an objection, in which every man, who will consider it, may 
soon satisfy himself. 

The other, as it seems at first view of more consequence, 
will require an answer more ample. 

2. The planting such a colony will take off our people, 
who are wanted to cultivate our lands at home. 

That there is a want of people for the tillage of our lands, 
in many parts of the country, I will readily acknowledge. 
But to what is this owing? Among other reasons, appar- 
ently to the management of those schools, which are in 
almost every town for the education of our poor ; to a 
charity, which I am far from thinking ought to be suppressed, 
but certainly calls for a regulation. The youth, who are 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 215 

sent to these schools, should, at the same time they are in- 
structed, be inured to the labor of the country, that, as they 
grow up in strength, they may improve in the knowledge of 
their business, and get a habit of labor, and even a love of it. 
Whereas by being kept wholly to their writing and reading, 
till they are thought qualified to maintain themselves in a 
better manner, they are sent up to London to be apprentices 
in our little trades, or to be servants in families. And to this 
is owing the number of idle and necessitous people, with 
which the town abounds, and of which every man must see 
too many instances every day of his life ; to this must be 
imputed that all our trades are overstocked, and the daily 
complaints we hear from tradesmen, that they starve one 
another. Will these people, when reduced, go to the 
plough ? Can any man think they will ? Does any one 
see they do ? If one of them goes into the country, he can- 
not, by his inexperience, and want of strength, do half the 
work of an able laborer ; consequently no farmer will em- 
ploy him, or, if he does, will give him more than half the 
wages. There may be other causes of the ruin of trades- 
men, the fluctuating of trade from one place to another, or 
the decay of it ; our newspapers tell us, that on a strict and 
partial inquiry, eight thousand houses in the city and suburbs 
are found to be at present uninhabited, and the former own- 
ers of most of them entirely ruined. Will a broken mercer, 
a weaver, or periwig-maker, how industrious soever, who 
has been used to a life less laborious than that of the coun- 
try, go with his family to an employment, of which he has 
no knowledge, and for which he is not qualified ? where at 
the best he cannot earn above five shillings per week, and 
may be some part of the year without work, and in a place, 
where as a stranger the parish will never give him an allow- 
ance? What then is he to do? He cannot throw himself 
into another trade, which has the same complaint as his 
own, the being overstocked. We see what he does, he goes 
into another country to give them the benefit of his labor, 
and communicates to them perhaps the knowledge of some 
useful manufactury to our prejudice, or else he lives some 
time upon his credit, to the absolute ruin of himself, and the 
hurt of his neighbor, or runs into villany of any kind for his 
support.' Are not these people useless to the public? not 
only so, but a burthen ? Is it not worth while to transplant 

216 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

them to a place, where they may be of service, and a great 

If it should be asked here, How will these people, who 
cannot work at the plough at home, be able to go through 
the same labor abroad 7 The answer is obvious. Their 
fatigue, unless at lirst, will not be so great, as the cHmate is 
so much kinder, and the soil so much more fruitful. Besides, 
though a man, who has not been inured to the labor of the 
country, and has a family, will not go to the plough for so 
poor a support of them, as a laborer's hire, and even this 
likewise precarious ; yet he will not repine at any fatigue, 
when it is on an estate of his own, and his gains from this 
estate will rise in proportion to his labor. Add to this, 
the high value of the commodities to be raised there, and 
the low prices of provisions will make it easy to conceive, 
that the man, who cannot do half the work of an able man 
here, may earn a sufficient provision for himself and family 
in Georgia, especially when he pays neither rent nor taxes 
for his lands. 

If these people are of no benefit to the community, what 
are all those who are thrown into prison for debt ? I believe 
the calculation will not be thought immodest, if I estimate 
these at four thousand every year ; and that above one third 
part of the debts is never recovered hereby. If then half 
of these, or only five hundred of them were to be sent every 
year into Georgia, to be incorporated with those foreign pro- 
testants, who are expelled their own countries for religion, 
what great improvements might not be expected in our trade, 
when those, as well as the foreigners, would be so many 
new subjects gained by England ? For while they are in 
prison, they are absolutely lost, the public loses their labor, 
and their knowledge. If they take the benefit of the act 
of parliament, that allows them liberty on the deHvery of 
their all to their creditors, they come naked into the world 
again; as they have no money, and little credit, they find it 
almost impossible to get into business, especially when our 
trades are overstocked ; they therefore by contracting new 
debts, must return again into prison, or, how honest soever 
their dispositions may be, by idleness and necessity will be 
forced into bad courses, such as begging, cheadng, or rob- 
bing. These then hkewise are useless to the state, not only 
so, but dangerous. But these (it will be said) may be ser- 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 217 

viceable by their labor in the country. To force them to it, 
I am afraid, is impracticable ; to suppose they will voluntarily 
do it, I am sure is unlikely. The colony of Georgia will be 
a proper asylum for these. This wnll make the act of parlia- 
ment of more effect. Here they will have the best motive 
for industry, a possession of their own and no possibility of 
subsisting without it. 

I have heard it said, that our prisons are the properest 
places for those who are thrown into them, by keeping them 
from being hurtful to others. Surely this way of thinking is 
something too severe. Are these people with their liberty 
to loose our compassion ? Are they to be shut up from our 
eyes, and excluded also from our hearts? IVIany of very 
honest dispositions fall into decay, nay perhaps because they 
are so, because they cannot allow themselves that latitude, 
which others take to be successful. The ways that lead to 
a man's ruin are various. Some are undone by over trading, 
others by want of trade, many by being responsible for others. 
Do all these deserve such hardship ? If a man sees a friend, 
a brother, or a father going to a prison, where felons are to 
be his society, want and sickness his sure attendants, and 
death in all likelihood his only, but quick relief. If he stretches 
out his hand to save him, if to rescue him from immediate 
slavery and ruin, he runs the risk of his own liberty, and at 
last loses it ; is there any one, who will say, this man is not 
an object of compassion, not only so, but of esteem, and 
worth preserving for his virtue 7 JBut supposing, that idle- 
ness and intemperance are the usual cause of his ruin : are 
these crimes adequate to such a punishment, as confinement 
for life ? But even yet granting, that these unhappy people 
deserve no indulgence, it is certainly imprudent in any State 
to lose the benefit of the labor of so many thousands. 

But the public loss by throwing men into prison, is not 
confined to them only ; they have many of them wives and 
children : these are also involved in their ruin. Being desti- 
tute of a support, they must perish, or else become a burthen 
on their parishes by an inability to work, or a nuisance by 
their thefts. These too are useless to society. Besides, by 
the poverty of the wives, and the confinement of the hus- 
bands, the public loses the increase, wdiich might be ex- 
pected from them, and their children, which, though a dis- 
tant consideration, is not a trifling one. 


218 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

In short all those, who can work, yet are supported in 
idleness by any mistaken charity, or are subsisted by their 
parishes, which are at this time through all England, over- 
burthened by indolent and lazy poor, who claim, and are 
indulged that relief designed only for the impotent poor : all 
those, who add nothing by their labor to the welfare of the 
State, are useless, burthensome, or dangerous to it. 

To say, there are no indigent poor in London, is disputing 
a thing which every body allows : to say, these can all get 
employment here, or live by their labor in the country, is as- 
serting a fact, which no one can prove, and very few will 
believe. The point then to be considered, is, not sending 
these into the country, which appears impracticable, but pre- 
venting others for the future coming from thence, which cer- 
tainly is reasonable : in the mean time, what is to be done 
with these necessitous ? Nobody, I suppose, thinks they 
should continue useless. It will be then an act of charity to 
these, and of merit to the public, for any one to propose, for- 
ward, and perfect a better expedient for making them useful; 
if he cannot, it is surely just to acquiesce, till a better is found, 
in the present design of settling them in Georgia. 

Those who are convicted of crimes, are sent to the plan- 
tations ; whether they are of benefit to them or no, I shall 
not here make question ; but if they are thought proper to 
be sent, why should not those likewise, whose morals are 
as yet untainted, and who have the same temptations to vil- 
lany, idleness, and want? 

But colonies, so far from draining us of our people, cer- 
tainly add to the increase of them. Let us suppose only 
twenty men in a town : twelve of these have constant em- 
ployment : this enables them to marry with comfort, by 
affording them subsistence for the families they may raise ; 
the other eight who have but scarcity of work, prey on each 
other, and are all hereby kept in want and dejection, which 
prevent their marrying. For this they are sensible, a quiet 
mind, and conveniences for life are absolutely requisite : few 
are desirous of increasing their species only to be miserable ; 
nothing indeed but a possession, or a sufficient income can 
justify a reasonable creature's wishing for a progeny. If 
then of these eight, three are transplanted into a country, 
where they may be happy, and enabled to marry ; they 
leave the other five more work and subsistence, and by their 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 219 

labor in our plantations, raise produces to be manufactured 
in our mother country, and ttiereby furnish more employ- 
ment for them ; this puts these five men also in a capacity 
to maintain families, and induces them therefore to get them. 
This is not conjectural, but evident from natural consequen- 
ces, and (if need be) from the example of Rome, who often 
sent some of her citizens abroad into colonies for the very 
increase of her people (Stirpis aiigendcB Causa) if we may 
credit such an authority as Livy. 

Since I have mentioned Rome, I cannot help taking notice 
of the great advantages these people found by their colo- 
nies. They began so early with them, that Romulus in his 
reign sent out seven colonies, and they continued them 
(with but few interruptions) quite through the common- 
wealth. Without these they could never have raised them- 
selves to such an height: these paved the way for the many 
conquests they made, and secured them afterwards : they 
were a constant receptacle for the needy, a subsistence for 
the industrious, and a reward for the veteran, who had spent 
the vigor of his life in the service of his country. They 
added Hkewise (as an ingenious *author observes) very 
much to the public revenue ; for Rome was at last in pos- 
session of lands in the several cantons of Italy, in Sicily, and 
the adjacent isles, in Spain, in Africa, in Greece, Macedonia, 
and all over Asia. An easy rent was paid by the citizens 
(among whom these lands were divided,) to the revenue of 
each state, and the peculiar domains of these conquered 
cities and kingdoms were incorporated in the public domain, 
and the produce of them lodged at last in the Roman 

Carthage also (which was the greatest republic except 
Rome the world ever knew,) pursued this policy. All her 
conquests were for the sake of her commerce, as all her 
citizens were merchants. The riches of all Africa, from 
Egypt to the ocean, were brought to Carthage as tribute or 
plunder. She extended her dominions to the coasts of 
Spain, and in the islands of Sicily, Corsica and Sardinia. 
But these places when conquered she did not depopulate, or 
suffer to lie uncultivated, but still gathered the fruits of 
them, and made them a treasury of new and certain riches. 

* Mr. Moyle. 

220 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

And such a treasury are our plantations ; for sooner or 
later the wealth, that is raised there, centers in England ; 
our rich planters generally come to settle here with their 
estates, which are got without any expense to us. And 
though the importation from these places vastly exceeds our 
exportation thither, we are still manifestly the gainers, as we 
are not, when it happens so from other countries. 

1. As we have the benefit of manufacturing the products 
which they raise. 

2. As this employment by enlarging their maintenance 
adds to the increase of our people at home. 

3. As those in the plantations are increasing more than 
they could at home, by having a better provision, and by the 
reception of foreigners. 

4. As they consume great quantities of our manufactures, 
they will raise the value of our lands, by adding to the price 
of wool. 

5. As the commodities from thence are conveniences for 
life, or necessary for our navigation, or trade with other coun- 
tries by a re-exportation. For wherever it happens that 
foreign products are not consumed here in luxury, but can 
be re-exported, (as tobacco and sugar for instance) the im- 
portation of them how great soever is a gain to England. 

If what I have said here does not answer the second ob- 
jection, the conduct of the Trustees for establishing the co- 
lony of Georgia will, I hope, and doubt not, satisfy those that 
make it. They have, and constantly do, (as 1 am credibly 
informed) use the utmost care, by a strict examination of 
those who desire to go over, and by their inquiries otherwise, 
to send none, who are in any respect useful at home. They 
admit no sailors, no husbandmen, or laborers from the coun- 
try. They confine the Charity to such only as fall into mis- 
fortunes of trade, and even admit none of these, who can get 
a subsistence, how narrow soever it may be. They suffer 
pone to go, who would leave their wives and families with- 
out a support ; none who have the character of lazy and im- 
moral men ; and none, who are in debt, and would go without 
the consent of their creditors. To prevent which, they have 
resolved (i see by the newspapers,) to publish the names of 
such as shall be chosen at least a fortnight before embarka- 
tion ; so that the honest creditor can suffer nothing hereby, 
nay he can be a gainer, as well as the public. For the poor 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 221 

artificer and tradesman, when he finds a decay in his trade, 
and that he cannot support it much longer, ins'tead of holding 
it, till he increases his debts, and is thrown into a dungeon, 
by which they usually become irrecoverable : or, instead of 
running into a foreign country, in dread of a gaol, by which 
the debts are lost, and his labor and increase are also lost by the 
public, and by which he imparts the knowledge of some useful 
manufactury, to the detriment of his country ; he may now 
make a dividend of what he has among his creditors, he may 
go with his wife and children, who will all be useful, into an 
easy, a sufficient, and pleasant support; where he will have 
no reason to be ashamed of his fortune, as he will see no in- 
equality ; or the labor of cultivating his lands, as they will 
be his own possession. Nay to such also, whose creditors 
compound with them, the Trustees (as I am informed) re- 
commend it as a necessary part of their duty, to discharge, 
whenever they come to affluence, the remainder of their 
debts. They have likewise made such regulations, as they 
conceived would best conduce to the promodng religion, 
the preiervation of peace, the order of government, and the 
encouragement of industry and virtue among them. 

If then from the advantages, which will accrue to our trade, 
from the ease which our parishes, and the public will gain 
by a right disposing of the poor, the establishing such a colo- 
ny in Georgia, appears so consistent with prudence ; how 
much more so, is it, with that humanity we ought to have for 
our fellow creatures ? How many never gain a sufficient 
settlement in the world 1 Here they may be sure of one. 
How many, after they have gained it, fail by various misfor- 
tunes ? Here they may recover, and forget them. How 
many may be saved hereby from begging and perishing in 
our streets by want 1 How many from the gallows, to which, 
necessity and idleness lead the way ? How many may now 
live to be useful, who are destoyed by their parents at their 
very birth, lest they should be a burthen too great for their 
support ; and whose light is extinguished the very hour they 
receive it? How many more would see the light, by the 
marriage of those, who are prevented now by the fear of 
want? And how many may be preserved from languishing 
out a miserable life in a prison, to the loss of their families, 
and the pul)lic, and the scandal of a countiy of liberty ? 

How many too may be preserved from self-murdei*, into 

222 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

which they inconsiderately plunge themselves, to avoid the 
infamy of begging, or the horrors of a dungeon? This ap- 
pears by a late example of Smith, the book-binder, who de- 
stroyed his wife, his child, and himself, which probably he 
would not have done, could he have been secure of such a 
retreat, and support, as this colony will afford. 

If a man gives an alms to a beggar in the street, it is un- 
doubtedly a proof of a compassionate temper, but is an 
ill-judged one, as it serves only to encourage and confirm 
him in a habit of idleness. 

If a man bestows a sum upon those miserable objects in 
prison, it is a temporary relief in their misery, but not a suffi- 
cient one from it. 

Every public act of insolvency is likewise an act of be- 
nevolence, but does not answer the end proposed, if it makes 
no provision for the poor who are released. Their discharge 
otherwise only giving the wretched advantage of starving at 

Such then, and such only are right benefactions, as pro^ 
cure not only immediate relief for the unfortunate, l^ut pro- 
vide for their future happiness, and use. 

For this beneficent design, his Majesty has given a large 
tract of land (called Georgia) near Carolina, in trust. The 
management of it is in the hands of several noblemen and 
gentlenrlen, who give up their time and assistance to the im- 
provement of it, without any view to their own interest: nay 
at their own desire are restrained, as well as their successors, 
by clauses in the charter, from receiving any salary, fee, per- 
quisite, or profit whatsoever, by, or from this undertaking ; 
and also from receiving any grant of lands within the district 
of Georgia to themselves, or in trust for them. 

That each benefactor may know, that what he has con- 
tributed, is safely lodged, and justly accounted for, all the 
money is deposited in the bank of England, who have un- 
dertaken to give receipts for the same. Entries are made of 
every benefaction in a book kept for that purpose by the 
Trustees, with the benefactors' names, or if concealed, the 
names of those, by whose hands they sent their money. 
Annual accounts of all the money received, and how the 
same has been disposed, are to be laid before the Lord High 
Chancellor, the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, the 
Master of the Rolls, the Lord Chief Justice of the Common 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 223 

Pleas, and the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, or two 
of them, and printed copies of the same accounts will be 
transmitted to every considerable benefactor. 

The prospect of success is as great, and the difficulties as 
little as have attended the planting any other colonies ; per- 
haps they are less, since Carolina (to which Georgia is con- 
tiguous,) abounds with provisions. Vast numbers of cattle, 
as well as hares, rabbits, and deer. Fowls and fish of vari- 
ous kinds ; fruits of the best sort. Indian corn, and European 
grain of every kind in vast abundance. The climate is 
known ; the air very clear, healthy, and almost always tem- 
perate, and there are men to instruct in the seasons, and in 
the nature of cultivating that soil, which is a very rich one. 
Georgia is southward of the present settlements in Carolina. 
It is a vast tract of land, divided from that province by the 
river Savannah, and bounded on the south by the river 
Alatamaha, which are both large and navigable. By the 
best accounts we have yet had, from one river to the other 
at the sea is between sixty and seventy miles, and the ex- 
tent of Georgia from the sea to the Apalatian mountains is 
about three hundred miles, widening very much in its pro- 
gress from the sea. 

The charter grants to the trustrees and their successors 
all the lands and territories fiom the most northern stream 
of the Savannah river, all along the sea-coast to the south- 
ward unto the most southern stream of the Alatamaha river, 
and westward from the heads of the said rivers, respectively 
in direct lines to the south seas, and all that space, circuit, 
and precinct of land lying within the said boundaries, with 
the islands in the sea lying opposite to the eastern coast of 
the said lands, within twenty leagues of the same, which 
are not already inhabited, or settled by any authority de- 
rived from the crown of Great Britain, together with all the 
soils, grounds, havens, ports, gulfs, and bays: mines, as well 
royal mines of gold and silver, as other minerals, precious 
stones, quarries, woods, rivers, waters, fishings, pearls, com- 
modities, jurisdictions, royalties, franchises, privileges, and 
preeminences within the said territories, and the precincts 
thereof, and thereunto in any sort belonging; to hold to 
them and their successors for ever for the better support of 
the colony. 

The country is at present a forest of oaks, beech, elm, 

224 Reasons for Establishing the Colonij of Georgia. 

cedar, chesnut, walnut, cypress, myrtle-trees, and many 
others, besides the mulberries, and vines, which I have men- 
tioned before. That it is capable of great improvements, is 
generally agreed by those, who have seen the place; and 
there needs no other proof than this : Many of the people in 
South Carolina, hearing of this charter, have gone thither to 
survey the lands, and have (as I am informed) applied since 
to the trustees for grants. His Majesty has ordered the 
governor of South Carolina to give what assistance he can 
to the new settlement; this the assembly also (I hear) have 
promised. The governor is very hearty in promoting it, and 
has generously contributed towards it. He has been en- 
gaged likewise to provide several sawyers in South Carolina, 
and some of the most friendly among the Indians to assist 
the people in clearing the lands, &c. There are but few 
Indian families within four hundred miles, and those in perfect 
amity with the English. Port Royal, the station of his Ma- 
jesty's ships, is within thirty ; and Charlestown a great mart, 
that freights every year near two hundred ships, is within 
one hundred and twenty miles. If the colony is attacked, 
it may be relieved by sea from Port Royal, or the Bahamas, 
and the militia of South Carolina is ready to support it by- 

As towns are established, and grow populous along the 
rivers Savannah, and Alatamaha, they will make such a bar- 
rier, as will render the southern provinces of the British col- 
onies on the continent of America, safe from Indian, and 
other enemies. 

Under what difficulties was Virginia planted? The coast 
and climate then unknown, the Indians numerous, and at 
enmity with the first planters, who were forced to fetch all 
their provisions from England ; yet it is grown so great a 
province, that the revenue is increased one hundred thou- 
sand pounds for duties upon goods that are sent yearly 
home from thence. 

Within these fifty years Pennsylvania was as much a for- 
est as Georgia is now, and in those few years, by the wise 
economy of Mr. Penn, and those who assisted him, it now 
gives food to eighty thousand inhabitants, and can boast of 
as fine a city as most in Europe. 

The poor, who are sent to Georgia on the Charity, have 
all the expenses of their passage defrayed, have likewise all 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 225 

conveniences allowed them in their passage : and great care 
is, (as I hear) and will be taken not to crowd too many of 
them in a ship for fear of illness. When they are set down 
in Georgia, the Trustees supply them with arms for their 
defence, working-tools for their industry, seeds of all kinds 
for their lands, and provisions for a year, or until the land 
can yield a support. 

As experience has shown the inconvenience of private 
persons possessing too large quantities of land in our colo- 
nies, by which means, the greatest part of it must lie unculti- 
vated, and they are thrown at such a distance, that they 
can neither assist, or defend one another; the Trustees 
settle the people in towns, a hundred families in each : and 
allot no more land than what can with ease be cultivated, 
and yet will afford a sufficient and handsome maintenance. 
They divide each man's share into three lots, viz. : one lot 
for a house and yard in the town, another for a garden near 
the town, and a third for a farm at a litde distance from the 
town. These lots are all to be laid out, and the houses built 
by joint labor and assistance ; and when finished, chance is 
to determine, who shall be the proprietors of each of them ; 
by this conduct no man will have reason to complain, since 
fortune alone can give the preference. 

As they will not, it seems, be suffered to alienate their 
lands without leave of the Trustees, none certainly will go 
over, but with a design to be industrious ; and as they will 
be settled in such a frugality, none, who can live here, will 
think of going thither, where, though they will have a suffi- 
cient and plentiful maintenance, they will have no room for 
luxury, or any of its attendant vices. 

For continuing the relief which is now given, there will be 
lands reserved in the colony, and the benefit arising from 
them, is to go towards carrying on the trust. So that at the 
same time, the money by being laid out preserves the lives 
of the poor, and makes a comfortable provision for those, 
whose expenses are by it defrayed ; their labor in improving 
their own lands will make the adjoining reserved lands val- 
uable, and the rents of those reserved lands will be a per- 
petual fund for relieving more poor people. 

A power is granted to the Trustees by the charter to 
enjoy lands, &c. in Great Britain, in fee, not exceeding 
one thousand pounds a year beyond reprises ; also estates 

226 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

for lives and years, and all chattels and things whatsoever, 
for the better settling, supporting, and maintaining the said 
colony, and to demise the same for a term of years in pos- 
session, and not in reversion, not exceeding thirty-one years 
from the time of granting ; and if no fine is taken, the full 
value to be reserved, otherwise at least a moiety of the full 

The corporation and their successors may import and 
export their goods at, and from any port or ports in Geor- 
gia, without being obliged to touch at any other port in 

The people, who settled there, are declared by the char- 
ter to be free, and not subject to any laws, but such as are 
framed by the corporation, and their successors ; these not 
to be repugnant however to the laws of England, and to be 
approved by the King in council. 

Civil liberty is to be established there in its full extent. 
No appearance of slavery, not even in negroes ; by which 
means, the people being obliged to labor themselves for their 
support, will be, like the old Romans, more active and useful 
for the defence of their government. 

That the people may not be long without public worship, 
the Trustees, (as I am informed,) have already fixed on a 
clergyman, who is well recommended, is to embark very 
soon, and is to be allowed by the Society for Propagating 
the Gospel in foreign parts, as good a salary, as they give 
any of their other missionaries. 

As liberty of conscience will be granted, it cannot be 
doubted, but a well-regulated government in a country so 
temperate, so pleasant, and so fruitful, will draw thither 
many of the distressed Saltzburghers, and other persecuted 
Protestants ; and by giving refuge to these, the power and 
wealth of Great Britain, as a reward for her hospitality, will 
be increased by the addition of so many religious and indus- 
trious subjects. 

Since I have mentioned the foreign protestants, it may not 
be improper to consider their present situation, and to show 
how prudent it is to establish such a colony as Georgia, if 
only on their account. As men, as fellow Christians, and as 
persecuted Christians, they have, as well as our own poor a 
claim on our humanity, notwithstanding the narrow opinions, 
and mistaken politics of some, who think their charity should 
begin, continue, and end at home. 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 227 

The protestant interest in Europe hath declined very much 
since the treaty of Westphalia. In France there were sev- 
eral flourishing protestant churches, which are now entirely 
destroyed. There were five hundred churches in Poland ; 
but being neither permitted to rebuild or repair the places 
of assembly, they are now reduced to forty, who are harassed 
on every pretence, of which Thorn has been a bleeding in- 
stance. In Hungary they are at this time depriving the 
protestants of their churches, and it is to be feared that a 
persecution now rages as openly there, as ever it did in 
France. Every one must know, and there can be few but 
feel the miseries which the Saltzburghers have lately under- 
gone. Their hardships could only be equalled by their re- 
solution in meetmg, and their patience in bearing them. 
Many of these have been dragged from prison to prison 
till they perished by want ; the rest, men, women, and 
children forced to renounce their faith, or drove vagrants 
from their country. There have been above twenty-three 
thousand of these exiles ; and by advices received here 
lately, the number of converts among them, to the protestant 
religion increases every day. In the Palatinate a concealed 
persecution is on foot ; Deux Ponts, Bergues, Juliers, and 
all the Palatinate were formerly under pi'otestant princes, 
and are now subject to a zealous Roman Catholic. The 
head of the house of Saxony, that was formerly the great 
support of the protestant interest in Germany, is firmly 
attached to the Romish religion. The church of Rome 
hath also gained the chiefs of many other families in Ger- 
many. The preferments in the Teutonic, and Malteze 
orders, the rich benefices, and great ecclesiastical sovereign- 
ties, the elective crown of Poland, and the imperial dignity 
itself, are used by that court to gain or keep the nobility, 
and even the sovereigns of Germany dependent on their 
supremacy : and when the sovereigns are of their profession, 
they think they can make more converts in a day by force, 
than in whole ages by preaching ; for if the prince orders 
his protestant subjects to renounce their religion, they must 
submit, resist, or fly. Resistance is in vain, unless they are 
assisted by protestant princes, which these cannot do with- 
out raising a religious war through Europe ; which is not to 
be expected on every oppression for religion, since it could 
not be procured in the flagrant instances of Thorn and 

228 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

Saltzburgh. They have no remedy then but flight. Whither 
shall they fly? Not to other Roman countries, and the pro- 
testant ones are not capable of giving assistance to a great 
number. Sweden, the great bulwark of the protestant reli- 
gion in the north, having lost all Livonia, and the chief of 
her- corn-bearing provinces, is reduced to a weak condition, 
and has more men than she can well support, as have many 
of the protestant dominions in Germany. Our king, as 
elector of Hanover, has indeed wisely and generously given 
reception to a thousand Saltzburghers. The king of Prussia 
has likewise established some of them in regular colonies on 
his frontiers, but he has declared he will take no more. 
There remain then of the protestant powers the Swiss, Hol- 
land, and England, to receive these distressed protestants. 
The Swiss increase so in people, that instead of receiving 
others, they are forced to send out great numbers every 
year to foreign countries ; and at this time a hundred of 
them, (who have been used to the dressing of vines, and 
raising hemp and flax,) are petitioning to be sent with their 
families, and setded in Georgia. Holland, though swarming 
with people, yet yearly takes at present a vast number from 
Germany and Switzerland. As for England, she is unable 
to support any great additional number of inhabitants in her 
present circumstances. For husbandry-work, though there 
is indeed a demand in harvest-time, yet there is not employ- 
ment enough in winter, as is evident by the many thousands 
that come from Wales and the west to assist in getting in 
the harvest in the eastern and midland counties, and return 
again, not finding work sufficient to support them there. As 
for trades and manufactury, the other means of livehhood, 
they are (as I have before observed) so overstocked, there 
is not employment for the men bred to them. Indeed the 
impossibility of England's using any great number of foreign 
hands has been proved by experience in Queen Anne's time. 
It is well known, that all the endeavors of the court could 
not dispose of ten thousand poor Palatines, that then came 
over; and after they had tried all methods, were forced to 
send some of them to Ireland, and the greater part to Amer- 
ica, in the last of which places they have succeeded very 
well, and the kingdom has gained great benefit from their 

At a time when ihe Protestants are so persecuted, how 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 229 

much will it be for our honor, that the crown of England, 
which in queen Elizabeth's reign, and at some times since 
has been looked on as the head of the Protestant interest in 
Europe, should still preserve the same title? And at this 
time, when his Majesty as elector of Hanover, when Hol- 
land, and Prussia have offered relief to so many of them, 
how much is our honor concerned, that England should not 
be the last to open her arms to receive her unhappy breth- 
ren, grant them a support, and allow them the valuable pri- 
vilege of worshipping their Great Creator, in the way which 
they think will best secure their interests in eternity ? As 
men can we refuse them relief? As Christians can we 
neglect the offering it? Indeed it is possible to frame but 
one objection to it, which is, it will be attended with such 
advantages to England, that it may seem to be the effect of 
self-interest, not of charity ; and in that light, for the sake of 
most of my readers, I will consider it. 

If there is any weight in Sir Josiah Child's calculation, 
that every man by the produce of his labor in the planta- 
tions gives employment, L e. maintenance to four people at 
home : if fas the same author proves) where there is Em- 
ployment, people will always resort ; the people of England 
will be considerably increased by settling such a colony as 
Georgia, which will be (by the possessions and privileges it 
will grant,) such an invitation to those foreign Protestants, 
who are forced to fly from home, and those likewise, who 
are obliged openly to profess the Romish religion, because 
they have no asylum. This will not seem strange to any one, 
who considers the reasons why our own subjects go from 
hence. The want of employment here has furnished France 
and Spain with woollen manufacturers, and Russia from the 
same cause is able to show us artificers of our own country- 
men in almost every trade. If these people had been sure 
of work and subsistence here, they would never have gone 
to live under governments where liberty and property are 
precarious, and at so great a distance from their friends and 
acquaintance. If therefore employment abroad will carry 
away the subjects of this country from the superior advan- 
tages of our government and constitution, it cannot be 
doubted, but by raising more employment at home, they 
will readily return to their native country, which they know 
is the seat of liberty ; and it is as little to be feared, but 

230 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

numbers of foreigners will from all parts flock hither, rejoic- 
ing to find an asylum from persecution and arbitrary power, 
if they can be sure of a support. This support will be 
granted them by procuring them work, and work will never 
be wanting, if we will raise the rough materials in such a col- 
ony as Georgia for our manufactury. 

I will consider this question then very shortly on each 

If we have not employment enough for our people, and 
some of them are hereby in a starving condition, it is just to 
send them where they may Hve by their labor, and prudent 
to secure for ourselves the benefit of it. 

If we have employment enough for our people, and yet a 
greater number would be an addition to the riches of our 
country ; it is surely for the interest of England, to settle as 
many foreigners as possible in Georgia ; when she knows 
that by every thousand, who will be transplanted thither, she 
will raise the means for employing four thousand more at 
home. Yet if none of our people were useless here, it would 
be absolutely requisite to settle with the foreigners some of 
them in Georgia, who might keep up the English language 
and government. 

Among the crowns which the Romans bestowed on the 
deserving, as an incitement to virtue, the most honorable was 
the Corona Civica, which was granted to any soldier, that 
preserved the life of a fellow citizen in an engagement ; the 
most remarkable respect and immunities were annexed to it, 
such a value did that truly wise and great people set on acts 
of generosity, and a life of a fellow citizen. Nay, by a law, 
which Romulus made, it was criminal to kill, or so much as 
sell an enemy in war if he yielded ; he judging right the ne- 
cessity of a number of men to cultivate the land which he 
conquered. How meritorious then will it be in us to pre- 
serve the lives of so many fellow citizens and subjects, and 
gain so many new ones as will be by this colony ? Not only 
preserve their lives, but procure for them ease and affluence? 
And by this very act of humanity, get so much new wealth 
for our country, by opening a new spring for our trade ? 

As the mind of man cannot form a more exalted pleasure, 
than what arises from the reflection of having relieved the 
distressed ; let the man of benevolence, whose substance 
enables him to contribute towards this undertaking, give a 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 231 

loose for a little to his imagination, pass over a few years of 
his life, and think himself in a vi>it to Georgia. Let him see 
those, who are now a prey to all the calamities of want, who 
are starving with hunger, and seeing their wives and children 
m the same distress ; expecting likewise every moment to be 
thrown into a dungeon, with the cutting anguish, that they 
leave their families exposed to the utmost necessity and 
despair : let him, 1 say, see these living under a sober and 
orderly government, settled in towns, which are rising at dis- 
tances along navigable rivers : flocks and herds in the neigh- 
boring pastures, and adjoining to them plantations of regular 
rows of mulberry trees, entwined with vines, the branches of 
which are loaded with grapes ; let him see orchards of 
oranges, pomegranates, and olives ; in other places extended 
fields of corn, or flax and hemp. In short, the whole face 
of the country changed by agriculture, and plenty in every 
part of it. Let him see the people all in employment of va- 
rious kinds, women and children feeding and nursing the 
silk worms, winding off" the silk, or gathering the olives ; the 
men ploughing and planting their lands, tending their cattle, 
or felling the forest, which they burn for potashes, or square 
for the builder ; let him see these in content and afl^uence, 
and masters of little possessions, which they can leave to their 
children ; and then let him think if they are not happier than 
those supported by charity and idleness. Let him reflect, 
that the produce of their labor will be so much new wealth 
for his country ; and then let him ask himself, whether he 
would exchange the satisfaction of having contributed to this, 
for all the trifling pleasures, the money which he has given 
would have purchased. 

Of all public-spirited actions, perhaps none can claim a 
preference to the settling of colonies, as none are in the end 
more useful. If on this account only, queen Elizabeth*s 
name must be ever dear to England, who looked so far into 
futurity for the good of her subjects ; for this so much 
esteem is due to the memory of Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir 
Francis Bacon, and those patriots, who assisted in settling 
Virginia ; and we are indebted to the Lord Shaftsbury, and 
that truly wise man Mr. Lock, for the excellent laws which 
they drew up for the first settlement of Carolina. 

Common is the complaint we hear, that public spirit is 
lost among us, and that no one pursues any dictates but 

232 Reasons for Establishi7ig the Colony of Georgia. 

those of his interest. I hope this is not true, I do not think 
it is ; but if there is any foundation for it, it is time to 
awaken people to a love of their country, to see her wel- 
fare, and to promote it. Virtues may become a habit in a 
nation, as well as in a private man ; but then an emulation 
must be raised as formerly, that the fire may catch and 
spread. Every man can be beneficent in some degree, and 
surely no one who has read * the Man of Ross can be 
otherwise. He who cannot give, may yet by his approba- 
tion excite others to it, who are more able. He, who does 
not approve, can however be silent, he can forbear giving an 
ill-natured turn to an action that has the appearance of vir- 
tue, till he has tried, and found it only an appearance. If 
an instance of public spirit is seen, it becomes a common in- 
terest to support it, and the more singular it is, the greater 
encouragement it deserves. Of this I am sure, no one has 
a right to censure others for the want of public spirit, till 
he has shown he is not liable to the same censure himself. 

Whoever then is a lover of liberty, will be pleased with an 
attempt to recover his fellow subjects from a state of misery 
and oppression, and state them in happiness and freedom. 

Whoever is a lover of his country, will approve of a 
method for the employment of her poor, and the increase of 
her people, and her trade. 

Whoever is a lover of mankind, will join his wishes to 
the success of a design, so plainly calculated for their good : 
undertaken, and conducted, with so much disinterestedness. 

Few arguments surely are requisite to incite the generous 
to exert themselves on this occasion. To consult the wel- 
fare of mankind, regardless of any private views, is the per- 
fection of virtue ; as the accomplishing and consciousness of 
it is the perfection of happiness. 

* A character in Mr. Pope's poem of the Use of Riches. 

Reasons for Establishing the Colomj of Georgia. 233 

T7ie Common Council of the Trustees for Establishing the 
Colony of Georgia in America. 

The Right Honorable Anthony Earl of Shaftsbury ; the 
Right Honorable John Lord Viscount Percival ; the Right 
Honorable John Lord Viscount Tyrconnel ; the Right Hon- 
orable James Lord Viscount Limerick ; the Right Honora- 
ble George Lord Carpenter ; the Honorable Edward Digby, 
Esq. ; James Oglethorpe, Esq. ; George Heathcote, Esq. ; 
Thomas Tower, Esq. ; Robert More, Esq. ; Robert Hucks, 
Esq. ; Rogers Holland, Esq. ; William Sloper, Esq. ; Fran- 
cis Eyles, Esq. ; John Laroche, Esq. ; James Vernon, Esq. ; 
Stephen Hales, A. M. ; Richard Chandler, Esq. ; Thomas 
Frederick, Esq. ; Henry L'Apostre, Esq. ; William Heath- 
cote, Esq. ; John White, Esq. ; Robert Kendal, Esq., Alder- 
man ; Richard Bundy, D. D. 

Since the publishing this book, a letter from Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe has been received by the Trustees, and extract of 
which, with a copy of the Governor and Council's letter to 
Mr. Oglethorpe, and the resolutions of the Assembly of South 
Carolina, are here added as a confirmation of several things 
alle2:ed in the book. 


To the Trustees for Establishing the Colony of Georgia in 


From the Camp near Savannah, Feb. 10, 1732 — 3. 

Gentlemen, — I gave you an account in my last, of our 
arrival at Charlestown. The governor and assembly have 
given us all possible encouragement. Our people arrived at 
Beaufort on the 20th of January, where I lodged them in 
some new barracks built for the soldiers, w^hile I went my- 
self to view the Savannah river. I fixed upon a healthy situa- 

234 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, 

tion about ten miles from the sea. The river here forms a 
half-moon, along the south side of which the banks are about 
forty foot high, and on the top flat, which they call a bluff. 
The plain high ground extends into the country five or six 
miles, and along the river side about a mile. Ships that draw 
twelve foot water can ride within ten yards of the bank. 
Upon the river-side in the centre of this plain I have laid out 
the town. Opposite to it is an island of very rich pasturage, 
which I think should be kept for the Trustees' cattle. The 
river is pretty wide, the water fresh, and from the key of 
the town you see its whole course to the sea, with the island 
of Tybee, which forms the mouth of the river ; and the other 
way, you see the river for about six miles up into the country. 
The landscape is very agreeable, the stream being wide, and 
bordered with high woods on both sides. The whole peo- 
ple arrived here on the first of February. At night their 
tents were got up. Till the seventh we were taken up in 
unloading, and making a crane, which I then could not get 
finished, so took off the hands, and set some to the fortifica- 
tion, and began to fell the woods. I marked out the town 
and common ; half of the former is already cleared, and the 
first house was begun yesterday in the afternoon. Not being 
able to get negroes, I have taken ten of the independent com- 
pany to work for us, for which I make them an allowance. 
I send you a copy of the resolutions of the assembly, and the 
governor and council's letter to me. Mr. Whitaker has given 
us one hundred head of cattle. Col. Bull, Mr. Barlow, Mr. 
St. Julian, and Mr. Woodward are come up to assist us with 
some of their ow^n servants. I am so taken up in looking 
after a hundred necessary things, that I write now short, but 
shall give you a more particular account hereafter. A litde 
Indian nation, the only one within fifty miles, is not only at 
amity, but desirous to be subjects of his Majesty King 
George, to have lands given them among us, and to breed 
their children at our schools. Their chief, and his beloved 
man, who is the second man in the nation, desire to be in- 
structed in the Christian religion. 

I am, gentlemen, your most obedient, humble servant, 

James Oglethorpe. 

Reasons fm^ Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 235 

A copy of the Governor and Council's Letter to Mr. Oglethorpe. 

Sir, — We cannot omit the first opportunity of congratu- 
lating you on your safe arrival in this province, wishing you 
all imaginable success in your charitable and generous un- 
dertaking, in which we beg leave to assure you, any assist- 
ance we can give shall not be wanting in promoting the 

The General Assembly having come to the resolutions 
inclosed, we hope you will accept it as an instance of our 
sincere intentions to forward so good a work, and of our 
attachment to a person, who has at all times so generously 
used his endeavors to relieve the poor, and deliver them out 
of their distress, in which you have hitherto been so suc- 
cessful, that we are persuaded, that this undertaking cannot 
fail under your prudent conduct, which we most heartily 
wish for. The rangers and scout boats are ordered to attend 
you as soon as possible. 

Col. Bull, a gentleman of this board, and who we esteem 
most capable to assist you in the settling your new colony, 
is desired to deliver you this, and to accompany you, and 
render you the best services he is capable of, and is one 
whose integrity you may very much depend on. 
We are with the greatest regard and esteem, 

Sir, your most obedient, humble servants. 

Robert Johnson, Thomas Broughton, Al. Middleton, 
A. Skeene, Fra. Yonge, James Kinlock, John Penwicke, 
Thomas Waring, J. Hammerton. 

Council Chamber, 2Qth of January, 1732. 

A copy of the Assembly's Resolution. 

TJie Committee of his Majestifs Honorable Council appointed 
to confer with a Committee of the Lower House on his 
Excellency's Message relating to the arrival of the Honor- 
able James Oglethorpe, Esq., Report, — 

That agreeable to his Majesty's instructions to his Excel- 
lency, sent down together with the said message, we are 
unanimously of opinion, that all due countenance and encour- 

236 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

agement ought to be given to the settling of the colony of 

And for that end your Committee apprehend it necessary, 
that his Excellency be desired to give orders and directions, 
that Capt. Mac Pherson, together with fifteen of the rangers 
do forthwith repair to the new settlement of Georgia, to 
cover and protect Mr. Oglethorpe, and those under his care, 
from any insults that may be offered them by the Indians, 
and that they continue, and abide there till the new set- 
tlers have enforted themselves, and for such further time as 
his Excellency may think necessary. 

That the lieutenant and four men of the Apalachucola 
garrison be ordered to march to the fort on Cambahee, to 
join those of the rangers that remain ; that the commissary 
be ordered to find them with provisions as usual. 

That his Excellency will please to give directions that the 
scout-boat at Port Royal, do attend the new settlers as often 
as his Excellency shall see occasion. 

That a present be given to Mr. Oglethorpe for the new 
settlers of Georgia forthwith, of an hundred head of breed- 
ing catde, and five bulls, as also twenty breeding sows, and 
four boars, with twenty barrels of good and merchantable 
rice : the whole to be delivered at the charge of the public, 
at such place in Georgia as Mr. Oglethorpe shall appoint. 

That periauguas be provided at the charge of the public 
to attend Mr. Oglethorpe at Port Royal, in order to carry 
the new settlers, arrived in the ship Anne, to Georgia, with 
their effects, and the artillery and ammunition now on board. 

That Col. Bull be desired to go to Georgia with the Hon. 
James Oglethorpe, Esq., to aid him with his best advice and 
assistance, in the setding of that place. 

Extract of a Letter from his Excellency^ Robert Johnson, 
Esq., Governor of South Carolina, to Benjamin Martyn, 
Esq., Secretary to the Trustees. 

Charlestoum, Feb. 12, 1732—3. 

Sir, — I have received the favor of yours, dated the 20th 
of October, and the duplicate of the 24th. I beg you will 
assure the Honorable Trustees of my most humble respects, . 

Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 237 

and that I will attach myself to render them, and their lauda- 
ble undertaking, all the service in my power. 

Mr. Oglethorpe arrived here with his people in good 
health, the 13th of January; I ordered him a pilot, and in 
ten hours he proceeded to Port Royal, where he arrived safe 
the 19th ; and I understand from thence, that after refresh- 
ing his people a little in our barracks, he with all expedition 
proceeded to Yamacra upon Savannah river, about twelve 
miles from the sea, where he designs to fix those he has 
brought with him. 

I do assure you, that upon the first news I had of this 
embarkation, I was not wanting in giving the necessary 
orders for their reception, and being assisted at Port Royal ; 
although they were here, almost as soon as we heard of their 
design of coming. I am informed Mr. Oglethorpe is mighty 
well satisfied with Georgia, and that he says, things succeed 
beyond his expectation. 

Our General Assembly meeting three days after Mr. 
Oglethorpe's departure from hence, I moved to them, their 
assisting this generous undertaking : both houses immedi- 
ately came to the following resolution. That Mr. Oglethorpe 
should be furnished at the public expense, with one hundred 
and four heads of breeding catde, twenty-five hogs, and 
twenty barrels of good rice ; that boats should be provided 
also at the public charge to transport the people, provisions, 
and goods from Port Royal to the place where he designed to 
settle ; that the scout boats, and fifteen of our rangers, who 
are horsemen, and always kept in pay, to discover the mo- 
tions, should attend Mr. Oglethorpe, and obey his command, 
in order to protect the new settlers from any insults, which 
I think there is no danger of; and I have given the necessary 
advice and instructions to our garrisons, and the Indians in 
friendship with us, that they may befriend and assist them. 

I have desired Col. Bull, a member of the council, and a 
gentleman of great probity, and experience in the affairs of 
this province, the nature of land, and the method of settling, 
and who is well acquainted with the manner of the Indians, 
to attend Mr. Oglethorpe at Georgia with our compliments, 
and to offer him his advice and assistance. Had not our 
Assembly been sitting I would have gone myself. 

I. have received the Trustees' commission, for the honor 

238 Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georgia. 

of which, I beg you will thank them ; I heartily wish all imag- 
inable success to this good work, and am. 

Sir, your most humble servant, 

Robert Johnson. 

P. S. Since the above, I have had the pleasure of hear- 
ing from Mr. Oglethorpe, who gives me an account, that his 
undertaking goes on very successfully. 









James Oglethorpe was born in London in December, 
1698. His family had been an old and respectable one, es- 
tablished for centuries in the county of Surrey. He was the 
youngest son of Sir Theophilus Oglethorpe, who was an 
officer in the Duke of York's own regiment, before the Duke 
ascended the throne as James II., and whose family had 
been during the civil war, and at all times, devoted to the 
House of Stuart. 

WiUiam III. was too politic a Prince, and too much 
afraid of the army, to persecute Sir Theophilus or his family 
for such opinions. But he could do worse — he could neg- 
lect them. By a high-minded man persecution can be 
borne. He steels himself to resistance — he stands erect 
to receive it — and he may break before the storm, but he 
will not bend to it. Neglect, whether it comes from the one 
or the many in power, descends upon a generous mind like 
the cold autumnal dew, withering all hope and blighting 
every energy of intellect. Such was the position of General 
Oglethorpe's family with the government at his birth — such 
was his own condition to his grave. But he availed him- 
self to every opportunity, however transient, to strive after 
fame, and to labor for a name of renown among men. 

In 1711, when Oxford and St. John were the ministers 
of Queen Anne, although but thirteen years of age, he en- 
tered the army, as an Ensign, and was afterwards promcted 
to the rank of Lieutenant in the Guards of Queen, 
who, as is well known, was laboring at the close of her life 
to collect around her person and her throne the friends of 
her unhappy brother. 

The Queen died in August, 1714, hurried to her grave 
by the idle disputes between her ministers Oxford and Bo- 
hngbroke ; and George I. ascended the throne of England, 
against the wishes of the British Empire, at the call of a 
faction, that controlled the army and navy at that eventful 

Life of OglctJiorpe. 241 

From this faction young Oglethorpe had nothing to hope, 
and he therefore soon afterwards withdrew from the British 
army, passed over to the continent, when he was between 
seventeen and eighteen years of age, and took service with 
Prince Eugene, in his war against the Turks, and elsewhere. 

He was with Prince Eugene when he crossed the Dan- 
ube, and defeated the Grand Vizier Ali, at Peterwaradin in 
the year 1716, and also the year following, (1717,) when 
Eugene besieged and took Belgrade, again defeating the 
Turks with great slaughter, storming their camp, and com- 
pletely routing their army. 

In this gigantic war, where two great empires were strug- 
gling for life, for law, and for religion, every power, and pas- 
sion, of the human mind, was called forth, and the young 
soldier, by his gallantry, enterprise, and capacity, won the 
favor of Prince Eugene, who received him into his family, 
attached him to his staff, and in this school and under this 
great captain he learned the art of war. 

The spring of 1719 brought peace to all Europe. Weak 
kings or corrupt ministers so entangled affairs at home that 
it required the whole attention of the ruling powers to keep 
the rickety machine of government in motion. Law, with 
his Mississippi scheme in France, and Sir John Blount, with 
his South Sea scheme in England, made the year 1720 one 
of the most memorably miserable that either country had 
ever known. 

Young Oglethorpe, however, then twenty-one years of 
age, had returned to England ; and in the calm of Oxford 
was schooling himself for other duties. His early education 
had been interrupted by his military pursuits, and it was 
necessary that some portion of his manhood should be given 
to the acquirement of that knowledge, which, if acquired at 
all, is generally mastered at an earlier period. 

In 1727 died George L, who was succeeded by George II. 
Let us hear what a distinguished wdiig historian (Russell) says 
on this occasion. "The administration was wisely continued 
in the hands of the whigs, the only true friends of the Protes- 
tant succession, on the principle of the revolution. If the heads 
of opposition cannot be taught silence or induced to change 
sides, the king must either resign his minister, or that minis- 
ter must secure a majority by some other means. No minister 
ever understood those means better than Sir Robert Walpole. 


242 Life of Oglethorpe. 

" Possessed of extraordinary abilities, and utterly destitute 
of principle, he made no scruple of employing the money voted 
by parliament, in order to corrupt its members. He disco- 
vered that almost every man had his price. He bought many, 
and to gain more, he let loose the wealth of the treasury at 
elections." And yet Mr. Russell says, that it was wisely 
done, to continue this man in power. 

The high reputation Mr. Oglethorpe had acquired abroad, 
as a soldier, and the scarcely less high reputation he had ac- 
quired at Oxford, as a scholar, drew upon him the attention 
of that party, who had for years been resisting the violence 
and waste, which the faction in power, under the wild cry 
of Popery and the Pretender, had been indulging in — and 
in 1722, at the early age of twenty-four, he was brought into 
parliament, from Haslemere in Surrey. 

Mr. Oglethorpe knew when he went into parliament, that 
the eyes of the public were upon him, and that his every 
step should be marked with caution and judgment ; for his 
mother had been at one time the medium through which 
Oxford and Bolingbroke, and Queen Anne herself, communi- 
cated with the exiled family. And his sister was domesti- 
cated with them. 

He soon became an active member, usefully directing his 
views to ameliorating the condition of the unhappy, in every 
form within his power. 

In the session of 1728, says Smollet,* Mr. Oglethorpe, 
having been informed of shocking cruelty and oppression 
exercised by jailors upon their prisoners, moved for an ex- 
amination into these practices, and was chosen chairman of 
a committee, appointed to inquire into the state of the jails 
of the kingdom. 

They began with the Fleet Prison, which they visited in a 
body ; there they found Sir William Rich, baronet, loaded 
with irons, by order of Bainbridge, the warden, to whom he 
had given some slight cause of offence. Bainbridge and 
others were punished by act of parliament, and disquali- 
j5ed from holding place, &c. and the law regulating jails 

It is known to reading men, that no short-hand writer was 
ever admitted to the gallery of the house of commons, be- 

* Vol. ii. p. 440. 

Life of Oglethorpe. 243 

fore 1780. Before that time we have nothing but fragments 
of debates, such as the memory could carry away from a 
single hearing. 

When the mother of the first Pitt, in her maternal pride 
and fondness, desired to hear her son, she had to go into the 
gallery in male clothing. When the younger Pitt was asked, 
what of all lost works he most desired to draw from oblivion, 
he replied, " a single speech of Lord Bolingbroke." 

The writer of this notice has read many of the speeches 
of General Oglethorpe in this imperfect form, and will pre- 
sent three or four, to show his thoughts, if not his words. 

In 1731, the opposition to the court measures appears to 
have been uncommonly spirited. Says SmoUet,* "On 'a 
motion of thanks to the king, for a treaty with Spain, Mr. 
Pulteney resisted ; Sir WiUiam Windham spoke to the same 
purpose as Mr. Pulteney. 

"Mr. Oglethorpe, a gendeman of unblemished character, 
brave, generous, and humane, affirmed, that many other 
things related more nearly to the honor of the nation, than 
did the boasted guarantee of the pragmatic sancdon. He 
said he wished to have heard that the new works of Dun- 
kirk had been entirely razed and destroyed — that the nadon 
had received full and complete satisfaction for the depreda- 
tions committed by the natives of Spain upon British com- 
merce. That more care was taken in disciplining the militia, 
on whose valor the nation must chiefly depend in case of an 
invasion ; and that some regard had been shown to the op- 
pressed Protestants in Germany. He expressed his satis- 
faction to find that the English were not so closely united to 
France as they had been for some years past, for he had ob- 
served that when two dogs w^ere in a leash together, the 
stronger generally ran away with the weaker ; and this he was 
afraid had been the case between France and Great Britain, 
He was replied to by Mr. Pelham and Mr. H. Walpole." 

Wishing to give the color of General Oglethorpe's opinion 
upon what should have been the policy of England in her 
foreign relations, I have extracted a speech from Smollet, 
(though there is a fuller report of the same in the Gende- 
man's Magazine, of London,) and to understand it, it is ne- 
cessary to remember that from the time the Duke of Orleans 

* Vol. ii. p. 141. 

244 Life of Oglethorpe. 

became Regent of France, a very close connection had taken 
place between himself and his kinsmen, George I. and 
George II. of England, both of them having descended from 
Elizabeth, queen of Bohemia, the daughter of James I. 

Again, to understand his opinions in relation to the colonial 
and domestic policy of England, two or three short speeches 
will be given from the Gentleman's Magazine. 

In September 1732, upon a petition from the sugar colo- 
nies, praying for some exclusive benefits to themselves and 
restrictions upon their continental brethren, Mr. Oglethorpe 
spoke as follows : 

"Mr. Speaker, in all cases, that come before this house, 
where there seems a clashing of interests, we ought to have 
no regard to the particular interests of any party, or set of 
people, but to the good of the whole. Our colonies are a 
part of our dominions — the people in them our own peo- 
ple ; and we ought to shew all equal respect. I remember, 
there was once a petition presented to this house, by one 
county, complaining that they were injured in their trade, as 
to the sale of beans by another, modestly praying, that the 
other should be prohibited selling beans. If it should ap- 
pear, that all our plantations upon the continent of America, 
are against that which is desired by the sugar colonies ; we 
are to presume that the granting thereof, will be prejudicial 
to the trade, or particular interest of our continental settle- 
ments ; and surely, the danger of hurting so considerable a 
part of our dominions, — a part which reaches from the 
30th, to the 46th degree of north latitude, will at least, incline 
us to be extremely cautious in what we are about. If there- 
fore, it shall appear that the relieving our sugar colonies, 
will do more harm to the other parts of our dominions, than 
it can do good to them, we must refuse it, and think of some 
other method of putting them upon an equal footing with 
their rivals, in any part of the trade. We may form some 
judgment, from the appearances, that were before us last 
session of parliament ; but may judge more distinctly of 
things from what may be brought before us now. Some 
concerned for our settlements on the continent, seemed last 
year indifferent, and to give up the affair; I believe without 
any good authority from their constituents. 

" But now, the colonies themselves have had an opportunity 
to consider the affair, and to transmit their opinions in a 

Life of Oglethorpe. 245 

proper and authentic manner ; and until these opinions are 
laid before us, we cannot, or should not, make up our own. 
I must say, to the honor of the gendemen concerned in the 
board of trade, that they are as diligent, and as exact in all 
matters which fall under their consideration, as any board in 
England. They have more business than most others, which 
will increase in proportion as our colonies increase in riches 
and power. It is already one of the most useful boards we 
have, and while the same good conduct is observed, it will 
be of great advantage to the trade of the British dominions." 

After this debate, it was resolved to address his Majesty, 
to give directions to the commissioners for trade and planta- 
tions, to lay before the house, copies of all representations 
and papers which had been laid before them, since the last 
session of parliament, relating to the dispute between his 
Majesty's sugar colonies, and northern colonies in America. 

In October following, in a debate upon the extending and 
continuing the patent of Mr. Delome, for the introduction of 
the silk manufacture into England, from Italy, Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe spoke as follows : — 

"The act for confining the king's patent, to the term 
of eleven years, was made in the reign of King James I. 
The bubbles and monopolies about that time erected, had 
become a public grievance. This law was to prevent setting 
up any such in future. The petitioner pretends to nothing, 
but the sole use of his own invention ; for so long, as may 
be a just recompense to him, for the hazard and expense he 
has been at in bringing it to perfection. If he can show he 
has not had a sufficient recompense, we are not confined by 
the former law, we ought to bring in a bill to prolong the 
term of his patent; or make him some other proper and rea- 
sonable recompense. Raw silk may be bought in this 
country for sixteen shillings per pound,* but when manufac- 

* Silk, as will be observed by this speech of General Oglethorpe, was worth in 
England in its raw state, sixteen shillings per pound in 1732. In 178(5, Arthur 
Young states raw French silk to be worth at Lyons twenty livres, or about sixteen 
shillings and sixpence per pound. The price in England of Italian silk is about six- 
teen shillings sterling. 

As Georgia is now engaged in carrying out the original views of General Ogle- 
thorpe and his associates in the cultivation of silk, it is interesting to know, that 
while all things else have been changing their value, silk has for one hundred and 
seven years retained its original price. Destined perhaps to rise, for its parent coun- 
try, China, embittered to madness by the cruel and horrible trade in opium, which 
Ikitish and American philanthropists force upon them, will soon, in all probability, 
like Japan, closfi their porta against all Christians, or perish in the attempt. 

246 Life of OglethorpL 

tured and made orgazine, sells for twenty-four shillings per 
pound, the eight shillings added to the price is clear gain to 
us, because added by the labor and industry of our own 
people ; therefore we must grant, that this gentleman has 
brought to his own country, a very useful and profitable 
branch of trade ; and if he can show he has not yet had a 
recompense by his patent, his petition ought to be referred 
to a committee." Mr. Oglethorpe afterwards brought in a 
bill to extend the time of this patent, which was carried 
through parliament. 

We will now give a speech of General Oglethorpe's at a 
later period, to close this subject, which is more in his man- 
ner, as I have understood from others. In reply to Henry 
Fox, afterwards Lord Holland, and then pay-master of the 
forces, upon a bill brought by the administration to punish 
the city of Edinburgh, in consequence of a riot, and the 
murder of a Captain Porteous, by a mob. 

" Mr. Speaker, — I have never had the happiness of being 
married, but I have been told, and believe, that marriage is 
the happiest condition for man, — and I have often heard 
the union between ourselves and our neighboring state, 
compared to marriage, and I think not improperly ; for the 
happiness of both parties must consist in mutual harmony 
and a good understanding, which can never be preserved, if 
the stronger shall proceed to oppress the weaker. 

"The Scots, when they consented to this union with us, 
put so absolute a confidence in our honor, that it would be 
ungenerous and unjust to give them the least cause to com- 
plain, or repent of what they have done. 1 shall readily 
own, that a most horrid riot and murder happened in the 
city of Edinburgh ; and that there were several obvious 
measures neglected, which might have prevented it, — but I 
think the punishment intended by the present bill, is by far 
too serious, both with respect to the Lord Provost, and the 
city itself. 

"As to the Lord Provost I am of opinion, that he did all 
that could be expected, from a man of his age or abilities ; 
and cannot see any reason why he should be singled out for 
punishment. And, Mr. Speaker, as gentlemen have in this 
affair, been pleased to quote PufTendorf and Grotius, I shall 
beg leave to quote the words of an author, who I am sure, 
most gentlemen in this house, have read twice for once that 
they have read either of those two authorities. The words 

Life of Oglethorpe. * 247 

are from a booJi which I have in my pocket, — Huclibras, 
part 2d, canto 2. 

" Tho' nice and dark this point appear, 
Quoth Ralph — It may hold up, and clear, 
That sinners may supply the place 
Of suffering saints, is a plain case, 
Justice gives sentence many times 
Oa one man, for another's crimes." 

" These lines, sir, introduce an account of a bed-ridden 
weaver in New England, who was hanged for the murder 
of an Indian, committed by a preaching cobbler. The In- 
dians, it seems, insisted warmly, that the murderer should 
be hanged ; and as they did not know his person, the saints 
thought it much better to hang up the bed-ridden w^eaver 
than the offender, who was a useful man among them by 
acting in the double capacity of preaching and cobbling. 

" I have, gendemen, to apply this bed-ridden weaver's 
case to the Lord Provost. I shall only observe, that from 
all that appears, from the evidence given in, at the bar of 
this house, there were others equally, if not more guilty, 
than the Provost. 

"As for the censure inflicted upon the city of Edinburgh 
by the present bill, I think there is something in it, that is 
contrary to the intention of the bill. The intention of the 
bill, sir, as I take it, is to punish the citizens for not sup- 
pressing an inhuman riot, and preventing a barbarous mur- 
der ; but the punishment to be inflicted upon them, is by a 
bill, taking away their guard, putting it out of their power, 
to suppress any such riot for the future. Here is a city, and 
here are magistrates, liable to be insulted by a mob, yet we 
tie up their hands from quelling this mob, and we punish 
them because it was not quelled. In my opinion, we can- 
not do a greater piece of service to the authors of Porteous's 
murder, than to consent, that the present bill should pass 
into a law ; for by it, we expose both the peace of the city 
and the authority of the magistrates, and the interest of the 
country, to all their future insult and outrage. 

" In short, sir, I think the present bill is neither calculated 
to punish those who were negligent in suppressing the riot ; 
nor for preventing the like offence in times to come ; and I 
could wish 4;hat gentlemen would determine upon some 
other means answering both these ends." 

248 Life of Oglethorpe, 

In his youth, he had striven to carve out a high destiny 
for himself with his sword ; but the condition of his country 
and of Europe forbade it; for the days of Eugene and 
Marlborough had passed away, while he was yet too young 
to gather the fruits of his valor. He had to seek another 
road to fame, for the unhappy condition of Europe brought 
clouds and darkness and disappointment across his course. 

Mr. Oglethorpe had gone into parliament at twenty-four 
years of age, and he had been laboring for ten years with 
zeal and ability. But England, from the death of Queen 
Anne, had so entangled herself with Germany, that her wealth 
and her fame had been wasted by ignoble means for ignoble 
ends. The king only looked to the security of Hanover, 
and his ministers only looked to the preservation of their 
places. Did the wise or good attempt to arrest their course, 
they had only to cry "Popery," and they obtained support; 
for if philosophers "teach" that "matter in motion" is "power," 
experience tells that " mind" under excitement, is like the 
" scorpion fire," turned upon itself to destroy. 

Mr. Oglethorpe became wearied with this profitless labor, 
and determined to seek in another clime, and in a new 
world, for objects upon which to employ his time, and spread 
his affections. 

He planned, in the year 1732, a colony, differing from 
every other undertaking that had originated among men in 
modern times. A paper entitled, "A true Account of a Nev/ 
Colony, about to be established in America, by several No- 
blemen, Gentlemen and Merchants," will best explain the 
design of himself and associates. 

" They petitioned the King in Council for a grant of lands 
in South Carolina, and liberty to lay out such charities as 
they themselves should give, or receive from others, — in 
conveying over and establishing, unfortunate families in 
America, and that the charities collected may not terminate 
in the persons first relieved, but extend itself to the latest 
ages. They proposed to reserve certain portions of land in 
every township, and a certain small portion of labor, from 
every man within that township, and to apply the product of 
the reserved land and labor, in supporting the colony, in 
sending over, and relieving more poor families. 

" The petitioners undertake without any benefit to them- 
selves, either in land or otherwise, all the toil of soliciting 

Life of Oglethorpe. 249 

charities of clothing, supplying, arming, and supporting a 
colony of such persons, as they judge to be the most proper 
subjects of this charity." 

The King received graciously their petition, and granted 
a charter of incorporation to Lord Percival, James Ogle- 
thorpe, Edmund Digby, and others. 

The patent was dated the 9th of June, 1732, and the new 
colony was called Georgia. The Trustees contributed 
largely towards the scheme ; and to prevent fraud, deter- 
mined to deposite the money in the Bank of England, and 
to keep a book in which the names of the contributors, as 
well as the sums paid by each should be entered, and to lay 
an account annually before the Chancellor, and other judges. 

Many were the papers, published in England and else- 
where, expressive of approbation and warm admiration of 
the benevolent intentions of the Trustees in their new scheme 
of colonization. 

Some of these papers are before the writer at this time, 
but he finds all so condensed and well said, in Dr. Hewatt's 
History of South Carolina and Georgia, that he prefers ex- 
tracting from Vol. II, pages 1 7 to 22, what follows : * 

" When this scheme of the Trustees with respect to the 
settlement of Georgia was made public, the well wishers of 
mankind, in every part of Britain, highly approved of an un- 
dertaking so humane and disinterested. To consult the 
public happiness, regardless of private interest, and to stretch 
forth a bountiful hand for the relief of distressed fellow crea- 
tures, were considered as examples of uncommon benevolence 
and virtue, and therefore worthy of general imitation. The 
ancient Romans, famous for their courage and magnanimity, 
ranked the planting of colonies among their noblest works, 
and such as added greater lustre to their empire, than their 

* Dr. Hewatt was the Presbyterian minister in Charleston before the Revolution. 
He was a Scotchman, and as most of his congregation were natives of Scotland and 
retired wlien the tempest of war began to gather around them, he too returned 
to England and employed his leisure in compiling this work, from materials he had 
collected before he left America. He had tlie advantage of being personally acquaint- 
ed with General Oglethorpe, and entertained for him, and for his memory, a very 
high admiration. He published his book in 177i), and had no doubt submitted it to 
the perusal of the General, who was tiicn enjoying a green old age. Dr. Hewaft 
was a relation of Mr. Hume and Mr. Mein, formerly of Georgia. He was a man of 
very mild and gentle temper and manners; and as his book shews of great ability. 
The friends named in this note made me acquainted with him, and it was from him 
I heard the warm feelings General Oglethorpe entertained for Georgia. He had no 
children, and he looked to Georgia as the Theban chief looked to the fields of Leuc- 
tra and Mantinea. 


250 Life of Oglethorpe. 

most glorious wars and victories. By the latter, old cities 
were plundered and destroyed ; by the former new ones 
were founded and established : the latter ravaged the do- 
minions of enemies and depopulated the world — the former 
improved new territories, provided for unfortunate friends,' 
and added strength to the state. The benevolent founders 
of the colony of Georgia perhaps may challenge the annals of 
any nation to produce a design more generous and praise- 
worthy than that they had undertaken. They voluntarily 
offered their money, their labor and time for promoting what 
appeared to them the good of others — having themselves 
nothing for reward, but the inexpressible satisfaction arising 
from virtuous actions. Among other great ends they had 
also in view the conversion and civilization of Indian savages. 
If their public regulations were afterwards found improper 
and impracticable, — if their plan of setdement proved too 
narrow and circumscribed, praise nevertheless is due to them. 
Human policies at best are imperfect, but when the design 
appears so evidently good, and disinterested, the candid and 
impartial part of the world will make many allowances for 
them. Considering their ignorance of the country, and the 
many defects that cleave to all codes of laws, even when 
framed by the wisest legislators. 

"About the middle of July 1732, the Trustees for Geor- 
gia held their first general meeting, when Lord Percival was 
chosen president of the corporation. After all the members 
had qualified themselves, agreeably to the charter, for the 
faithful discharge of the trust, a common seal was ordered 
to be made. The devise was, on one side, two figures rest- 
ing upon urns, representing the rivers Altamaha and Savan- 
nah, the boundaries of the province; between. them the 
Genius of the colony seated with a cap of liberty on his head, 
a spear in one hand, and a cornucopia in the other, with the 
inscription " Colonia Georgia, Augt." On the other side was 
a representation of silk worms, some beginning, and others 
having finished their web, with the motto " non sibi sed aliis," 
a very proper emblem, signifying that the nature of the es- 
tablishment was such, that neither the first Trustees, nor their 
successors could have any views of interest, it being entirely 
designed for the benefit and happiness of others. 

"In November following, one hundred and sixteen settlers 
embarked at Gravesend for Georgia, having their passages 

Life of OgleUiorpe. 251 

paid, and every thing requisite for building and cultivation 
furnished them by the corporation. They could not be 
called adventurers, as they ran no risk but what arose from 
the change of climate, and as they were to be maintained 
until by their industry they were able to support themselves. 

" James Oglethorpe, one of the Trustees, embarked along 
with them, and proved a zealous and active promoter of the 

" In the beginning of the year following Oglethorpe ar- 
rived in Charleston, where he was received by the Governor 
and Council in the kindest manner, and treated with every 
mai'k of civility and respect. 

"Governor Johnstone, sensible of the great advantage 
that must accrue to Carolina from this new colony, gave all 
the encouragement and assistance in his power to forward 
the settlement. Many of the Carolinians sent them pro- 
visions, and hogs and cows to begin their stock. 

" William Bull, a man of knowledge and experience, 
agreed to accompany Mr. Oglethorpe — and the rangers and 
the scout boats were ordered to attend him to Georgia. 
After their arrival at Yamacraw, Oglethorpe and Bull ex- 
plored the country, and having found a high and pleasant . 
spot of ground, situated on a navigable river, they fixed on 
this place as the most convenient and healthy situation for 
the settlers. 

"On this hill they marked out a town, and from the Indian 
name of the river which ran past it, called it Savannah. 

"A small fort was erected on the banks of it, as a place 
of refuge, and some guns were mounted on it for the defence 
of the colony. The people were set to w^ork in felling ti-ees, 
and building huts for themselves, and Oglethorpe animated 
and encouraged them by exposing himself to all the hard- 
ships, which the poor objects of his compassion endured. 

"He formed them into a company of militia, appointed 
officers from among themselves, and furnished them with 
arms and ammunition. 

" To show the Indians how expert they were in the use 
of arms, he frequently exercised them, and as they had been 
trained before-hand by the Serjeants of the Guards, in Lon- 
don, they performed their various parts, in a manner little 
inferior to regular troops. Having thus put his colony in as 
good a situation as possible, the next object of his at ten- 

252 Life of Oglethoi'pe. 

tion was to treat with the Indians for a share of their pos- 

" The principal tribes that at this time occupied the terri- 
tory were the upper and the lower Creeks : the former were 
numerous and strong ; the latter, by disease and war were 
reduced to a smaller number. Both tribes together were 
computed to amount to about twenty-five thousand, men, 
women and children. These Indians, according to a treaty 
formerly made with Governor Nicholson, laid claim to the 
lands lying south-west of Savannah river, and to procure 
their friendship for this infant colony, was an object of the 
highest consequence. But as the tribe of Indians settled at 
Yamacraw was inconsiderable, Oglethorpe judged it neces- 
sary to have the other tribes also, to join with them in the 

"To accomplish this he found an Indian woman named 
Mary, who had married a trader from Carolina, and who 
could speak both the English and Creek language, and per- 
ceiving that she had great influence among the Indians, and 
might be made useful as an interpreter in forming treaties of 
alliance with them, he therefore first purchased her friend- 
ship with presents, and afterwards settled a hundred pounds 
yearly on her as a reward for her services. 

" By her assistance he summoned a general meeting of the 
chiefs, to hold a congress with him at Savannah, in order to 
procure their consent to the peaceable setdement of his co- 

"At this congress fifty chieftains were present, when Ogle- 
thorpe represented to them the great power, wisdom, and 
wealth of the English nation — and the many advantages that 
would accrue to the Indians in general from a connection and 
friendship with them, — and as they had plenty of lands, he 
hoped they would freely resign a share of them to his people, 
who were come for their benefit and instruction, to setde 
among them. After having distributed some presents among 
them, which must always attend every proposal of friend- 
ship and peace, an agreement was made ; and then Toma- 
chichi, in the name of the Creek warriors, addressed him in 
the following manner : 

"Here is a litde present, and giving him a buffalo skin 
adorned on the inside with the head and feathers of an eagle, 
desired him to accept it — because the eagle was an emblem 

Life of Oglethorpe. 253 

of speed, and the buffalo of strength. He told him that 
the English were as swift as the bird, and as strong as the 
beast — since like the former they flew over vast seas, to the 
uttermost parts of the earth, and like the latter they were so 
strong that nothing could withstand them. 

"He said the feathers of the eagle were soft, and signified 
love — the buffalo skin was warm and signified protection — 
and therefore he hoped the English would love and protect 
their little families. 

" Oglethorpe accordingly accepted the present, and after 
concluding this treaty of friendship with the Indians, and 
placing his colony in the best posture of defence, he returned 
to Britain, carrying with him Tomachichi, his queen, and 
some more Indians. 

" On their arrival in London, these Indian chiefs were in- 
troduced to his Majesty, while many of the nobility were 
present. When Tomachichi, struck with astonishment at the 
grandeur of the British court, addressed the king in the fol- 
lowing words : 

"This day I see the majesty of your face, the grandeur of 
your house, and the number of your people. I am come in 
my old days, though I cannot expect to see any advantage 
to myself, I am come for the good of the children of all the 
nations of the lower and upper Creeks, that they may be 
instructed in the knowledge of the English. 

" These are the feathers of the eagle, which is the swiftest 
of birds, and which flyeth round our nations. These are a 
sign of peace in our land, and have been carried from town 
to town there. We have brought them over to leave them 
with you, O great king, as a token of everlasting peace. 

" great king, whatever words you shall say unto me, I 
will faithfully tell them to all the kings of the Creek nations." 

" To which his Majesty replied. ' I am glad of this oppor- 
tunity of assuring you of my regard for the people from 
whom you come, and I am extremely well pleased with the 
assurances you have brought from them, and accept very 
gratefully of this present — an indication of their good dis- 
position to me and my people. I shall always be ready to 
cultivate a good correspondence between the Creeks and 
my subjects, and shall be glad on any occasion to shew you 
a mark of my particular friendship.' 

"During the whole time these Indians were in England, 

254 Life of Oglethorpe. 

nothing was neglected that might serve to engage their 
affections, and fill them with just notions of the greatness 
and power of the British nation. After staying four months 
and seeing the grandeur of the English sovereign, they were 
carried to Gravesend and embarked for Georgia ; highly 
pleased with the generosity of the nation, and promising 
eternal fidelity to its interests." 

" This generosity and kind method of treating barbarians, 
was better policy than that of overawing them by force, and 
was attended, as might have been expected, with the hap- 
piest consequences. 

"To strengthen the frontier of Carolina, and promote the 
colony of Georgia, nothing could have been conceived more 
useful and effectual than a friendly intercourse with these 
savages in the neighborhood. 


The most proper method of managing them was to 
secure the friendship of the leading men among them, whose 
influence however hmited by the nature of their government, 
was nevertheless great, as they always directed the public 
councils in all affairs relative to peace and war."* 

We have thus seen brought to a close the first act of Mr. 
Oglethorpe's American drama. He had appeared, played 
his part, and had retired. Every movement evinced the 
justice, magnanimity, and wisdom of his actions. 

Who has not read in an hundred volumes, tributes of 
praise to the honor and humanity of William Penn ? Who 

* It will be seen, I take no notice of the report, that Mr. Oglethorpe brought out 
with him Sir Walter Raleigh's chart, because Dr. Hewatt speaks douljtingly of it, and 
because the story has, as told, internal evidence of being idle rumor. Quadrants 
were not then made or in use ; and latitude as illy defined in charts as longitude. 
Sir Walter Raleigh would, in his roving course, scarcely venture into any of our 
barred inlets which to strangers look alarming, although a great protection to navi- 
gation after being known. And again because the Muscogalgees or Creeks, did not 
occupy the banks of Savannah river in Sir Walter Raleigh's time. They came from 
the west long afterwards, driving before them the maritime tribes, that they found 
in the country, among which the Shawnees were supposed one ; the Yamasees 
who have perished within our memory another ; and the Uchees are known to 
have belonged to those ancient maritime tribes. The Creeks considered them 
slaves; their language is altogether different. They were not allowed in travelling, 
to encamp on the northern side of the Indian path leading from Fort Hawkins (now 
Macon) to Montgomery, which for a long time was an Indian highway. 

Colonel Hawkins and General Mitchel found it difficult to prevent the Creeks 
taking away from the Uchees the presents given by the American government, as 
they considered them still slaves. And finally, the mound the Indians are said to 
have pointed out as the burial place of their then king, is such as we find in five 
hundred places upon the coast, and are known by those most learned in Indian lore, 
to have existed before the present tribes. These barrows extend from Ohio to Flor- 
ida, though composed of different materials in different countries. They greatly re- 
semble the barrows that spread over the steppes of Tartary. 

Life of Ogletliorpe. 255 

has not heard his conduct in the first settlement of Pennsyl- 
vania, contrasted with the conduct of the first settlers of 
every other colony ? And surely in some instances very 
unjustly has this contrast been drawn ; for Penn had but 
followed the example of Lord Baltimore at an earlier period, 
as well in his purchase from the Indians, of the right of soil, 
as in his treatment of them afterw^ards. But how will either 
of them stand, when placed in position with Mr. Oglethorpe? 
They had obtained grants to themselves, and heirs, from 
their sovereign, of immense landed estates ; and in calming 
Indian jealousy at their settlement, or preserving peace 
with them afterwards, they were but pursuing the most ob- 
vious and simple mode of making those estates profitable ; 
and Mr. Penn took care before he left England, to extend 
the bounds of his territory by every means. 

Mr. Oglethorpe and his associates tied themselves up, 
from every possible return for money or time expended, for 
dangers encountered, or even reputation risked. Penn's 
territory was flanked by the strong colonies of New York 
and Maryland, long since established. Mr. Oglethorpe 
placed himself in the front of danger with nothing behind 
him but the weak and divided colony of Carolina. He 
placed himself before the old and strong military colonies of 
Spain and France ; and that too, just as Spain and France 
were awakening from a lethargy of twenty years, and in 
their family compact, determined to make one great struggle 
for dictation over the maritime nations of Europe. 

Against these fearful odds, Mr. Oglethorpe took his post, 
reposing upon the resources of his own mind. Calm in the 
conviction that to wisdom, time brings opportunity. And 
we will see in the sequel how he availed himself of this op- 

Did Penn persuade the Indians to cede to him a small 
portion of land and to remain in peace with his colony ? — 
Oglethorpe procured from them willingly, all the land he de- 
sired ; but he so won upon their affections, that the tribes 
congregated from hundred of miles around to pledge with 
him peace, to enter into alliances with him, to tender him 
the command over them, offering to follow him to war, 
wheresoever he wished, whether against white or red men. 

And if we had no other evidence of the great abilities of 
Mr. Oglethorpe, but what is offered by this devotion of the 

256 Life of Oglethorpe. 

Indian tribes to him, and to his memory, for fifty years after- 
wards — it is all-sufficient, for it is only master minds that 
acquire this deep and lasting influence over other men. 

Mr. Oglethorpe returned to England in the spring of 
1734, having left his people at Savannah, in possession of 
every thing that was necessary for their comfort, and in the 
best possible understanding with the Indian settlements 
around them. 

From that time until the end of the year 1735, he was 
engaged in collecting additional means for extending and 
strengthening his colony of Georgia. One hundred and 
thirty Highlanders were sent out under their chief, and set- 
tled at New Inverness, near Darien, upon the Alatamaha, and 
eighty additional Saltzburghers were established with their 
friends at Ebenezer, upon the Savannah river. Having 
made every arrangement within his power, and having col- 
lected during the year thirty thousand pounds sterling, he 
embarked again for Georgia ; and arrived at Tybee on the 
5th of February, bringing with him three hundred additional 
settlers, and a number of guns for the forts, that had and 
were to be built. 

To show his unwearied diligence in all his operations I 
will here give a journal of his movements for a few days, 
published at the time. 

"Mr. Oglethorpe passed the bar of Tybee on the 5ih, 
and came to anchor in the road on the 6th. He went to 
Savannah town, where he ordered a new church to be built, 
and a wharf for the landing of goods. 

"Tomachichi and Tonohowi came to welcome him, and 
said that the chiefs of the upper and lower Creeks wei e 
coming upon the same errand. 

" On the 9th he went to Ebenezer where the Saltz- 
burghers were settled ; he arrived that night at Purysburgh, 
and lay at Col. Pury's house. He went afterwards to the 
Alatamaha river where the Highlanders are settled, and was 
in a Highland dress. Here a good bed was provided for 
him, but he declined it, and lay in the woods with Captain 
Dunbar. , • 

"He the next day went down to St. Simon's island, and 
laid out a fort with four bastions, which he called Frederica ; 
and commenced building it in such a situation that a canoe 
could not pass without being discovered ; and designed 

Life of Oglethorpe. 257 

and planned a new town behind the fort. He has ordered 
another fort to be built seven miles distant, at the sea point 
of the same island. 

" The Spaniards having sent to complain that the Indians 
fell upon them from all quarters, Mr. Oglethorpe sent two 
boats to patrol on the river St. Johns to prevent further mis- 
chief ; and ordered Major Richards to St. Augustine to set- 
tle the boundaries with the Spanish Governor." 

This frank and prompt mode of acting on the part of Mr. 
Oglethorpe lead at length to a treaty between himself and 
the Governor of St. Augustine, of the most satisfactory char- 
acter, which was signed at St. Augustine on the 26th Octo- 
ber, 1736. Mr. Oglethorpe, had in despite of the recogni- 
tion going on and even concluded, been most diligently em- 
ployed during the summer, in completing the fortifications at 
St. Simons island, with the limited means within his control, 
and without the aid of any military science, except what he 
himself brought into operation. The fort at Frederica was 
built of tabby, and was situated at the upper end of a reach 
of the river, about a quarter of a mile in length. A water 
battery separated it from the river. Two strong bastions 
were on the land side — -and it was surrounded by a deep 
mtrenchment which admitted the tide. The review ground 
occupied about one half of the front of the bluff to the east, 
and the rest of the bluff was covered by a dense oak wood. 
In front of the centre of this wood a water battery of twelve 
heavy guns was placed. 

In approaching Frederica every ship would have to run 
down for three quarters of a mile, stem on, upon this water 
battery, while she would receive an oblique fire from the 
batteries of this fort. The wood to the east end of the 
town covered it, and the fort too, from all fire from approach- 
ing ships — while the water battery in front of the wood, 
was too low to receive injury from the fire across the marsh. 
The wood itself was covered in its whole extent by a deep 
creek, bordered by a miry marsh of three hundred yards 

I have been thus particular in describing these works, be- 
cause it was there I was born — and upon them in my child- 
hood I have sported — and because time, and the elements, 
and men in pursuit of other objects, have scarcely left a wreck 
behind. The wood has been transformed into a cotton field. 


258 Life of Oglethorpe. 

The river, driven on by hurricanes has swallowed up the 
water batteries, and much of the fort. The bricks too, have 
been taken away by spoilers, and the very tabby has been 
sawn into blocks to erect other buildings. 

When in the course of time the writer of this paper has 
seen many of the defences, provided for other positions by 
men of great name, his memory has recurred to the recollec- 
tions of his youth, and in pondering upon the scene, he 
proudly felt that nowhere, nowhere, had mind, with the 
limited means under its control, more strongly evinced its 
power. And it will be seen hereafter, that it was to the 
great ability shown in the disposition of these works, that 
not Georgia only, but Carolina owed their preservation ; for 
St. Simons was destined soon to become the Thermopylae 
of the southern Anglo American provinces. General Ogle- 
thorpe had scarcely concluded his treaty with the governor 
of St. Augustine, when he received a message from him 
saying, that a commissioner from the captain general of Cuba, 
his superior, had arrived there to make certain demands of 
him, and would proceed to Frederica, which had now become 
the head quarters of General Oglethorpe. He also learned 
that the garrison at St. Augustine had been reinforced by 
additional troops. General Oglethorpe saw that the storm 
he had anticipated was beginning to collect, and was there- 
fore unwilling that his designs, and his unfinished works 
should be exposed to the view of his enemy. 

The commissioner coming by sea. General Oglethorpe 
agreed to meet him at the anchorage in Jekyl sound; there 
they met, and the commissioner required that General Ogle- 
thorpe and all British subjects should immediately retire from 
all territory south of St. Helena sound ; as the claims of the 
king of Spain extended that far; and his master was deter- 
mined to maintain his right to them. As his orders from 
the captain general were explicit, argument was unnecessa- 
ry, and General Oglethorpe embarked for England as speed- 
ily as possible. 

The parliament of England had the previous year, voted 
ten thousand pounds, to aid the Trustees in fortifying the 
province, which had been expended upon the works at 
Fredeiica, and the battery at the south end of the island. 

But fortifications require men to defend them, and he hur- 
ried home with the hope, that as the views of France and 

Life of Oglethorpe. 259 

Spain were now fully developed, the government of Great 
Britain would see the necessity of providing them. In this 
he was not disappointed, for while the Spanish commissioner 
from Cuba, had required him to yield the territory as far as 
the island of St. Helena ; the Spanish minister at the court 
of London, had not only required the surrender of the terri- 
tory, but also the giving up of General Oglethorpe, as a 
trespasser upon the right of Spain ; as Sir Walter Raleigh 
had been demanded of Queen Elizabeth. 

This demand had excited the indignation of the British 
people, and aided him in obtaining what he required of the 
British government. The following is one of many publica- 
tions that this demand of the Spaniards called forth. 

''Daily Post, London, August 23d, 1737. 

"The benefit likely to accrue from the settlement of this 
colony, particularly by the saving of five hundred thousand 
pounds sent to Piedmont for raw silk, renders it so worthy 
of attention, that the whole nation unanimously gave into the 
project ; and the ministry gained credit by the warmth with 
which they recommended it to parliament. 

"The country is now in a thriving condition by parliament- 
ary aid, by the generosity of the Trustees, and by the con- 
duct of a gentleman, whose judgment, courage, and indefati- 
gable diligence in the service of his country, have shown 
him every way equal to so great and glorious an undertaking. 
For this reason it seems, this public-spirited and valuable 
man, has now become the butt of the resentment of Spain. 
Because he has acted like a brave, vigilant and faithful Eng- 
lishman, at the expense of his repose and his purse, and at 
the utmost peril of his life. 

" The Spanish court has demanded his recall, and that he 
shall be no longer employed. In this demand we have an 
undeniable proof that the Spaniards dread the abilities of Mr. 
Oglethorpe. It is a certificate of his merit, that ought to en- 
dear him to every honest Briton. 

"I happened to be in France when the settlement of 
Georgia was begun, and the uneasiness of the French at it, 
gave me the first idea of its value. They said the Spaniards 
neither could or would suffer it to go on ; and fi'om what I 
then heard and saw, I am persuaded this late demand of the 
Catholic court did not take its rise at Madrid, whatever the 

260 Life of Oglethorpe. 

Spaniards may say ; it is France that has the greatest interest 
in the destruction of that colony." 

General Oglethorpe arrived in London in the beginning 
of January 1737, and at a meeting of the Board of Trustees 
on the 19th of the month, he received the thanks of the 
Board by unanimous vote. 

In reply he stated, " He had left the colony doing well, 
that the Indians from seven hundred miles distant had con- 
federated with him, and acknowledged the authority of the 
king of England. That the Creeks and the Cherokees, and 
Chickasaws traded with Savannah when opportunity of- 

The Creeks and Cherokees, although reconciled to each 
other by General Oglethorpe, had been so long enemies that 
when they met in coming down to trade with Savannah, 
small causes of offence produced hostility, and the firing of 
hostile guns were sometimes heard in Savannah ; but the of- 
fending parties fled from the white man's view, and the 
wounded were brought into town, healed and sent home. 

It was the firm reliance on Indian faith, that permitted 
General Oglethorpe to leave his infant colony so often, ex- 
posed as it was to the secret intrigues and hostilities of Spain 
and France. For although peace yet continued in Europe, 
it was only that peace which is employed in sharpening the 
sword and the spear, and in meditating how, and when, and 
where they will strike. 

The British ministers being at length satisfied that a war 
with both France and Spain was approaching, at the applica- 
tion of the Trustees of the province of Georgia late in August 
1737, appointed Mr. Oglethorpe "Brigadier General," and 
directed him to raise a regiment for the protection of the co- 
lony. His military command was extended over South 

General Oglethorpe was engaged from that time until the 
summer of 1738, in recruiting and training his men for fo- 
reign service. On the first of July, himself and regiment, 
seven hundred strong, embarked for Georgia. And as it is 
always interesting to read the journals of older times, I will 
extract from one that is now before me. 

" General Oglethorpe and the troops that came over with 
him were all landed at the Soldiers' Fort, at the south end 
of St. Simonds, On the 19th of September, and were saluted 

Life of Oglethorpe. 2 61 

by all the cannon. The General encamped near the fort, 
and stayed until the 21st, to forward the disembarkation, and 
give necessary orders. The regiment is complete and every 
officer at his post. 

"On the 21st of September the General came up to 
Frederica and was saluted by fifteen guns from the fort in 
the town. The magistrates and townsmen waited upon 
him in a body, to congratulate him upon his arrival. The 
inhabitants went out on the 25th with the General at their 
head, and cut a road through the woods, down to the Sol- 
diers' Fort at the south end. They performed this work in 
three days, although the vi^oods are very thick, and near six 
miles. * 

" Several Indians are come to town ; they report that the 
chief men from every town in the upper and lower Creek 
nation will set out from their towns to see him, as soon as 
they hear of his arrival. 

" On the 8th of October two soldiers that had enlisted in 
London, and who had deserted formerly from Gibraltar, 
made an attack upon the life of General Oglethorpe, but 
were immediately killed by the swords of his officers. On 
the ISth he set out for Savannah." 

Thus far for Frederica. 

The following letter is of the same period, from Savannah. 

Savanyiah, October 23cl, 1 738. 
"General Oglethorpe set out from Frederica on the 18th 

*This road, after passing out of the town of Frederica, in a south-east direction , 
entered a beautiful prairie of a mile over, when it penetrated a dense close oak wood ; 
keeping the same course for two miles, it passed to the eastern marsh that bounded 
St. Simons seaward. Along this marsh, being dry and hard, no road was necessary, 
and none was made. This natural highway was bounded on the east by rivers and 
creeks, and impracticable marshes ; it was bounded on the west, (the island side) by 
a thick wood covered with palmetto and vines of every character so as to be imprac- 
ticable for any body of men, and could only be travelled singly and alone. This 
winding way along the marsh was continued for two miles, when it again passed up 
to the high land which had become open and clear, and from thence it proceeded in 
a direct line to the fort, at the sea entrance, around which for two hundred acres, five 
acre allotments of land for the soldiers had been laid out, cleared and improved. I 
have aorain been thus particular in my description because it was to the manner in 
which this road was laid out and executed, that General Oglethorpe owed the preser- 
vation of the fort and town of Frederica. 1 he simple writer of the letter 1 have 
quoted from Frederica, perhaps little knevsr that General Oglethorpe was thinking of 
the enemy, while he was tracing this road through the woods and along the marshes. 
His fort and batteries at Frederica was so situated as to water approaches, and so 
covered by a wood that no number of ships could injure them And he now planned 
his land route in such a manner, that again the dense wood of our eastern islands be- 
came a rampart mighty to save. And fifty Highlanders and four Indians occupying 
these icoods did save. 

.-> .; .-> 

Ufe of O^Iethorpf, 

o{ October, in aii o[>en boat, with two other boats attending 
him. and after rowing two days and two nights, arrived at 
Savannah. On the 20ih he was received by the magistrates 
at the water side and saluted by tlie cannon and militia 
under arms. The |>eople s[>ent the night in rejoicing, raak- 
ing bonfires, ^c. &.c/' 

On the :21st Tomachichi came to wait upon the Greneral. 
He said he had been very ill. but the old man was so rejoiced 
at the General's arriml that he said it recovered him. He 
acquainted the General that the chiefs of several towns of 
the Creek nation were ai his house, to congratulate him upon 
his arriral, and to assure him of their fidelity to the Kins: of 
Gfieat Britain. 

On the 23d the Indians came do\Mi the river froniToma- 
chichi's house, viz., the ^fico (which word translated is 
King,") of the Chickasaws. the ^Tico of the Ocmulgees, the 
Mice of the Uchees, with thirty of their warriors, and fifty- 
two of their attendants. As they walked up the hill they 
were saluted by a battery of cannon, and conducted to the 
town hall by a party of militia, where the General received 
them. On their seeing the Oreneral they expressed great 
joy, and said the Spaniards had strove to persuade them 
that the General was at St. Augustine, and invited them 
down to his fort to see him there, where they accordingly 
went, but as soon as tliey found the General was not 
there they returned, though the Spaniards offered them 
great rewards, and pretended he was on board of a ship in 
the harbor, sick. 

General Oglethorpe was diligently employed during the 
winter of 1T3S. and the spring of '39, in placing the province 
of Georgia in the best condition for defence that time and 
his means permitted, as war between England on the one 
side, and France and Spain on the other had become inev- 
itable. Among these means he considered his Indian alli- 
ances first, not from any actual force that they could bring 
into the field, either for offensive or defensive war, but be- 
cause while they remained faithful to their engagements, 
the French of Louisiana and West Florida would be cau- 
tious how they weakened their own provinces, to aid Spain 
in carrying out her claims upon Georgia and Carolina. 

As the best means of accompHshing this end, he deter- 
mined to attend in person a great council of the Indian 

Life of Oglethorpe. 263 

tribes, that was ta assemble in the July and August of the 
year 1739, at Coweta town, now Fort Mitchell, on the Chat- 
tahouchee ; and in July he proceeded there, not in military 
pomp or force, but simply with a few pack horses and ser- 
vants for his personal accommodation, and to carry presents 
for his red friends. 

When we call into remembrance the then force of these 
tribes, — for they could have brought into the field twenty 
thousand fighting men, — when we call to remembrance the 
influence the French had everywhere else obtained over the 
Indians, — when we call to remembrance the distance he had 
to travel through solitary pathways from Frederica, exposed to 
summer suns, night dews, and to the treachery of any single 
Indian, who knew, and every Indian knew the rich reward 
that would have awaited him for the act from the Spaniards 
in St. Augustine, or the French in Mobile ; surely we may 
proudly ask, what soldier ever gave higher proof of cour- 
age ? What gentleman ever gave greater evidence of 
magnanimity ? What English governor of an American 
province, ever gave such assurance of deep devotion to 
public duty. 

General Oglethorpe was received at Coweta by the as- 
sembled chiefs that were deputed to meet him, from the 
Creeks, Cherokees, and Chickasaws, with the warmest 
friendship and devotion. They declared that they remained 
firm in love to the king of Great Britain, and all his people. 
They renewed and confirmed all the treaties they had for- 
merly made with him. In their new treaty the Creeks still 
reserved the small territory between Pipe-maker's Creek 
and Savannah, that when they came to see their white 
friends, they might sleep upon their own ground, and the 
islands of Ossabaw, St. Catherine's, and Sapelo, that they 
might fish and bathe in their own waters. 

General Oglethorpe smoked with them the hallowed pipe 
of peace, drank with them the medicine drink, and was 
initiated by the medicine men into their mysteries. While 
with them he received communications from New York, in- 
forming him that the French were descending the Ohio and 
Mississippi to attack the Chickasaus. The Council sepa- 
rated in haste, with pledges of faith and friendship to pre- 
pare for war with the common enemy. 

While General Oglethorpe was yet in Savannah, before 
his return to Frederica from the Indian council, he lost his 

264 Life of Oglethorpe. 

first and most devoted Indian friend. Tomachichi departed 
to join his fathers in the land of spirits ; and we will follow 
him to his grave, in the recorded events of the day. 

Savannah, October lOth, 1739. 

" King Tomachichi died on the 5th instant, at his own 
town, four miles from hence, of a lingering illness, being aged 
about ninety-seven. He was sensible to his last moment, 
and when he was persuaded that his death was near, he 
shewed the greatest magnanimity and sedateness, and ex- 
horted his people never to forget the favors he had received 
when in Englan'd ; but to persevere in their friendship to 
the English. He expressed the greatest tenderness for 
General Oglethorpe, and seemed to have no concern at 
dying, but its being at a time when he might have been 
useful against the Spaniards. 

"He desired that his body might be buried amongst the 
English at Savannah, where it lies. He had prevailed upon 
the Creeks to give the land and had assisted in founding 
the town. 

"The corpse was brought down by water. The General, 
attended by the magistrates and people, met it upon the wa- 
ter's edge. The corpse was carried into Percival square. It 
was followed by the General and the Indians, the magistrates 
and the people of the town. Minute guns were fired from 
the battery all the time of the burial. The General has or- 
dered a pyramid of the iron stones which are dug in the neigh- 
borhood, to be erected over him."* 

Tomachichi was a chief, and in his youth a great warrior. 
He had an excellent judgment, and a very ready wit, which 
showed itself in all his speeches. He was very generous, 
giving away all the rich presents he had received, and 
living himself in poverty. But we ask where is his tomb ? 
Savannah owes it to herself, she owes it to the memory of 
General Oglethorpe, she owes it to her first friend among 
red men. 

Immediately after the funeral of Tomachichi General Ogle- 

• * A very few days after giving the order, the Spaniards made the first attack upon 
his advanced post at Amelia Island, and he was engaged in great and dangerous and 
difficult operations, against an enemy commanding at will twice his available means. 
Nor did he frotn thailiour until he finally left Georgia, know one day of calm repose, 
one day in which the mind is allowed to fall back upon itself in the full enjoyment 
of a sabbath of rest. 

Life of Oglettwrpe. 265 

thorpe returned to Frederica, and we extract from a journal 
of the day what follows : 

'^Frederica, JYovember 15//?, 1739. 

" Advice is just received from Amelia Island that the 
Spaniards landed at night, and murdered two Highlanders 
in the woods that had gone out of the fort unarmed, but upon 
the party in the fort going out, the Spaniards fled." 

At this point commenced the war with Spain in Georgia, 
and General Oglethorpe began to collect around him his 
very inadequate means for the invasion of Florida, under the 
deep conviction that if he did not carry the war into Florida, 
St. Augustine would become a nucleus around which troops 
from Cuba and Mexico and the other powerful and adjacent 
provinces of Spain would congregate to overwhelm and de- 
stroy his yet feeble colony. 

The following was known to be the condition of the forti- 
fications at St. Augustine at this time : 

The castle is built of soft stone, with four bastions, the cur- 
tain sixty yards in length, the parapet nine feet thick, the 
rampart twenty feet high, casemated underneath for lodg- 
ings, arched over and newly made bomb-proof, and they 
have for some time past been working on a covert way, 
which is nearly finished. This fort has fifty pieces of cannon 
mounted on it, sixteen of which are brass and twenty-four 
pounders. The town is entrenched with ten salient angles, 
in each of which are some cannon. The number of troops 
now there are thirteen hundred and twenty-four regulars, be- 
sides the militia of the town, and a few Spanish Indians. 

General Oglethorpe received orders in January, 1740, to 
make hostile movements against Florida, with an assurance 
from Sir Robert Walpole's administration, that Admiral Ver- 
non, after having made a demonstration of his force in the 
West Indies, should be at hand to cooperate with him. He 
himself believed, that, when war is necessary "the great 
and not the little war," should be resorted to ; and having 
heard, by a deserter, that St. Augustine was in want of pro- 
visions, he determined to make that his point of attack. 

Carolina had twice recently been upon the verge of ruin 
by the insurrection of her slaves, instigated by the black 
emissaries who had formeily run away from the province, and 
who were detained at St. Augustine for the express purpose 
of being employed upon such occasions. Looking to her 

266 Life of Ogletlwrpe. 

own interest, he could not doubt that Carolina would enter 
with zeal into the enterprize, and give every aid in her power. 
He communicated his intention, therefore, to Lieutenant 
Governor Bull ; and as success could only be hoped for by 
taking the enemy by surprise, and before he was supplied 
with additional means, and men from Cuba, (the then head 
and centre of Spanish American power,) he proceeded to 
Charleston, to arrange with Governor Bull the means and 
order of attack. The assembly were warmed into action by 
his presence, and voted £120,000 (equal to about ^70,000) 
and 400 men for the expedition. The men were placed un- 
der the command of Colonel Vanderdussen. Captain Price, 
with four sloops of war of twenty guns each, consented to 
cooperate in the attack. And the river St. John's, in Flori- 
da, was determined upon as the point of reunion, after each 
should have performed the task assigned them. 

Having accomplished all that was in his power, and hav- 
ing impressed upon Governor Bull the absolute necessity of 
prompt and immediate action, he returned to Frederica, to 
join his own regiment, and prepare all under his control for 
the expedition. 

The Carolina regiment, under Colonel Vanderdussen, reach- 
ed Darien, the first of May ; where they were joined by Gene- 
ral Oglethorpe's favorite corps, the Highlanders, ninety strong, 
commanded by Captain Mcintosh and Lieutenant McKay. 
They were ordered, accompanied by his Indian force, to 
march prompdy for the Cow-ford, (now Jacksonville) upon 
the river St. Johns. This route was familiar to the Caroli- 
nians, who had maintained small military posts, before Gene- 
ral Oglethorpe's occupancy of Georgia, as far south as the 
St. Mary's river. And the Cow-ford is the only point where 
men, proceeding by land, can conveniently pass the river. 
General Oglethorpe embarked four hundred of his regiment 
at Frederica, on the third of May, in galleys and flat bot- 
tomed boats, with his stores, ammunition and provisions, to 
take the route by the inland passage for Florida. He had 
been compelled, of necessity, to leave three hundred of his 
own regiment at Frederica and the intermediate points, un- 
der the command of Major Horton, to garrison his works ; 
lest the enemy, hearing of his movements, should pass into 
his rear, and destroy his now feeble and disarmed colony. 

In six days he had wound his way through the creeks and 

TJfe of Ogletlwrpc. 267 

marshes that intervened between Frederica and St. John's 
Bluft', three miles above the sea-mouth of the river, with his 
galleys and his loaded boats. Who is there, that is familiar 
with this intricate and perplexed navigation, that will not 
wonder at his expedition ? But the Carolina troops, as he 
learned from his Indian runners, had not arrived at the Cow- 
ford ; and it was upon this force, accompanied by his High- 
landers, and his Indians, that he had rested for a rapid move- 
ment upon St. Augustine, sweeping away and destroying 
whatever of provisions, or other supplies, they might find in 
their way, and cutting off the retreat of the garrison at Fort 
Diego, a post about equidistant from St. Augustine and the 
river St. John's. Disappointed in this expectation, and know- 
ing his plans were now developed to the enemy, he had re- 
luctantly to move forward to Fort Diego, that he might save 
every hour, precious to him for many reasons, — as well be- 
cause the enemy had time to collect his means, and strength- 
en his defences, as because the ninth of May had arrived ; 
when the sun in the latitude of twenty-nine, was pouring the 
strength of his rays upon them. On the tenth of May, he 
invested Fort Diego, which immedintely surrendered, and 
was garrisoned with sixty men under Lieutenant Dunbar, 
This post was important, not only as considerably in advance, 
but because Diego is directly on the way to St. Augustine, 
and because it communicates safely and easily with the river 
St. John's by a fine navigable water, called Poplar creek ; 
and it was in this water that his boats were to be sheltered, 
and by this creek much of his provisions and materiel for 
offensive war was to be conveyed. 

Having occupied Fort Diego, he returned to the St. John's 
and passed up to the Cow-ford, where the Carolina regi- 
ment, and Captain Mcintosh's Highlanders, that accompanied 
them, had at last arrived. Without an intimate knowledge 
of localities, men with the best information, and the best in- 
tentions, are liable to fall into errors in the recital of the ope- 
rations of war ; and it is this circumstance that gives such a 
precious value to the memoranda of men, who, like Xeno- 
phon, or Caesar, or Frederick, only write what they them- 
selves have done. There are many accounts of the opera- 
tions of General Oglethorpe against St. Augustine ; none of 
them, to the word, correct. But we believe Doctor He watt's 
by far the best. Any errors he has fallen into, have arisen 

268 Life of Oglethorpe. 

from a want of knowledge of the localities, for the peculiarity 
of these have rendered Florida one of the most defensi- 
ble countries in America. The Florida then held by the 
Spanish forces, was girdled by the river St. John's, (called by 
the Spaniards the Lagunas of St. Juan.) Between this gir- 
dle of lakes, and the sea, all w^as sterile. No cultivated fields 
gave nourishment to man ; no flocks wandered through the 
wilds, to minister to his wants. Even the buffalo was not 
within this peninsula, or had been driven away by the sound 
of Spanish cannon, which had been heard for more than a 
century around St. Augustine.* 

But we will take up the narrative of Dr. Hewatt, claiming 
to correct the little we believe to be wrong, from the narra- 
tive of one who was himself an actor in the scene. " On 
the 9th of May, 1740, the General passed over to Florida 
with four hundred select men of his regiment and a consid- 
erable party of Indians, and on the day following invested 
Diego, a small fort about twenty-five miles from St. Augus- 
tine ; which after a short resistance surrendered by capitula- 
tion. In this fort he left a garrison of sixty men, under the 
command of Lieutenant Dunbar, and returned to the place 
of rendezvous, where he was joined by Colonel Vanderdus- 
sen with the Carolina regiment, and a company of Highland- 
ers under Captain Mcintosh. But by this time six Spanish 
half-galleys, wdth long, brass nine-pounders, and two sloops 
loaded with provisions, had got into harbor at St. Augustine. 
A few days afterwards the General marched with his whole 
force, consisting of above two thousand men, (nine hundred 
soldiers and eleven hundred Indians) regulars, provincials, and 
Indians, to fort Moosa, situated within two miles of St. Au- 
gustine ; which on his approach, the Spanish garrison evac- 
uated, and retired into the town. He immediately ordered 
the gates of this fort to be burnt, three breaches to be made 
in its walls, and then proceeded to reconnoitre the town 
and castle. 

* Major Long, and other writers, have made it a question whether the buffalo ex- 
isted in the Atlantic States south of North Carolina. But at the first settlement of 
Georgia they were as abundant in this country as they afterwards were in Kentucky, 
or any wliore west. Colonel William Mcintosh, the brother of General Lachland 
McTntosli, my grandfather, has often told ine he has seen ten thousand buffaloes in a 
herd, between Uarien and Sapelo river. Governor Troup's grandfather liad two tame 
buffuloes at Mario, on Sapelo river. My father, wliose Indian establishments (as Bar- 
tram's book shews) extended from St. Ilia river to St. Marks, was constantly supplied 
with buffalo tongues, until as late as 1774, as my mother has often stated to me. 

Life of Ogletlhorpe. 269 

"The General now plainly perceived that an attack by 
land upon the town, and an attempt to take the castle by 
storm, would cost him dear before he could reduce the 
place ; and therefore changed his plan of operations. With 
the assistance of the ships of war, which were now lying at 
anchor off St. Augustine bar, he resolved to turn the siege 
into a blockade, and try to shut up every channel by which 
provisions could be conveyed to the gari-ison. For this pur- 
pose he left Col. Palmer, with ninety-live Highlanders and 
Ibrty-two Indians, at Fort Moosa, with orders to scour the 
woods around the town, and intercept all supplies of cattle 
from the country by land ; and for the safety of his men_, 
he at the same time, ordered him to encamp every night in 
a different place, to keep strict watch around his camp, and 
by all means to avoid coming to any action. This small 
party was the whole force the General left for guarding the 
land side. Then he sent Col. Vanderdussen, with the Car- 
olina regiment, over a small creek, to take possession of a 
neck of land called Point Quartel, above a mile distant from 
the castle, with orders to erect a battery upon it ; while he 
himself, with his regiment and the greater part of the Indians, 
embarked in boats, and landed on the island of Anastatia. 
In this island the Spaniards had a small party of men sta- 
tioned for a guard, who immediately fled to town ; and as it 
lay opposite to the castle from this place, the General resolved 
to bombard the town. Capt. Pierce stationed one of his ships 
to guard the passage by way of the Matanzas, and with 
the others blocked up the mouth of the harbor; so that the 
Spaniards were cut off from all supplies by sea. On the 
island of Anastatia batteries were soon erected, and several 
cannon mounted, by the assistance of the active and enter- 
prising sailors. The opportunity now lost of surprising the 
place, he had no other secure method left but to attack it at 
the distance in which he then stood. For this purpose he 
opened his batteries against the castle, and at the same time 
threw a number of shells into the town. The fire was re- 
turned with equal spirit both from the Spanish fort, and from 
six half galleys in the harbor ; but so great was the distance, 
that, though they continued the cannonade for several days, 
httle execution was done on either side. Capt. Warren, a 
brave naval officer, perceiving that all efforts in this way for 
demolishing the castle were vain and ineffectual, proposed 

270 Life of Oglethorpe. 

to destroy the Spanish galleys in harbor, by an attack in the 
night ; and offered to go himself and head the attempt. A 
council of war was held to consider of, and concert a plan 
for that service ; but upon sounding the bar, it was found it 
would admit no large ships to the attack, and with small 
ones it was judged rash and impracticable, the galleys being 
covered by the cannon of the casde, and therefore that 
design was dropped. In the mean time the Spanish com- 
mander, observing the besiegers embarrassed, and their op- 
erations beginning to relax, sent out a detachment of three 
hundred" (six hundred) "men against Col. Palmer; who 
surprised him at Fort Moosa, and while most of his party lay 
asleep, cut them almost entirely to pieces. A few, that 
accidentally escaped, went over in a small boat to the Caro- 
hna regiment at Point Quartel. Some of the Chickasaw 
Indians, coming from that fort, having met with a Spaniard, 
cut off his head, agreeably to their savage manner of waging 
war, and presented it to the General in his camp ; but he 
rejected it with abhorrence, calling them barbarous dogs, 
and bidding them be gone. At this disdainful behavior, 
however, the Chickasaws were offended, declaring that if 
they had carried the head of an Englishman to the French, 
they would not have treated them so ; and perhaps the 
General discovered more humanity than good policy by it, 
for those Indians, who knew none of the European customs 
and refinements in war, soon deserted him. About the 
same time, the vessels stationed at the Matanzas being 
ordered off, some small ships from the Havanna with pro- 
visions, and a reinforcement of men, got into, St. Augustine, 
by that narrow channel, to the relief of the garrison. A party 
of Creeks, having surprised one of their small boats, brought 
four Spanish prisoners to the General, who informed him that 
the garrison had received seven hundred men, and a large 
supply of provisions. Thus all prospect of starving the 
enemy being lost, the army began to despair of forcing the 
place to surrender. 

" The Carolina troops, enfeebled by the heat, dispirited 
by sickness, and fatigued by fruitless efforts, marched away 
in large bodies. 

"The navy being short of provisions, and the usual 
season of hurricanes approaching, the commander judged it 
imprudent to hazard his Majesty's ships by remaining longer 
on that coast. 

Life of Oglethorpe. 271 

" Last of all, the General himself, sick of a fever, and his 
regiment worn out with fatigue, and rendered unfit for ac- 
tion by a flux, with sorrow and regret followed, and reached 
Frederica about the 10th of Jul3^ 1740." 

This detail is a Httle complexioned by the men who lost 
caste in Carolina with their high and gallant countrymen for 
having fled without fighting from St. Augustine ; for the 
morning after the attack upon fort Moosa, the entire regi- 
ment under Col. Vanderdussen fled, the 'Colonel leading 
the rout ; nor did he arrest his flight until night overtook 
him, thirty miles from St. Augustine.* 

And here we will pause to look back upon what had 
passed. And now that we are well acquainted with the 
scene of operations, we must be filled with wonder that 
General Oglethorpe should have been able, with his four 
hundred remaining soldiers and a few faithful Indians, to 
have made good his retreat to Frederica, not only without 
loss, but without pursuit, before an enemy of three times his 
number, and flushed with victory over the gallant men who 
died at Fort Moosa.f 

When General Oglethorpe left Charleston, he had re- 
quested and expected (as the ships of war were ready for 
service) that Captain Price would at once proceed, or send 

* See George Cadovari's Letter, published in the Gentleman's Magazine, London, 

t William Mcintosh, the eldest son of John More Mcintosh, named after his 
grand-uncle, Brigadier General William Mcintosh, who commanded tlie Highland- 
ers in the rising of 1715, was not quite fourteen years of age when his father marched 
from Darien. He wished to accompany his father, but was refused. He pursued 
the moving columns, and overtook them at Barrington. His father sent him back 
the next day with an armed guard. He then took a small boat and passed up to 
Clarke's bluff, on the south side of the Alatamaha. He intended to keep in the rear 
until the troops had crossed the St. Mary's river. He soon fell in with seven In- 
dians who knew him, (for Darien was then the great rendezvous of the Indians) and 
he had acquired something of their language. The Indians were greatly attached to 
the Highlanders, not only as being the soldiers of their beloved man, General Ogle- 
thorpe, but because of their wild manners, of their manly sports, of their eastern cos- 
tume, so much resembling their own. The young soldier was received and caressed 
by them.. They entered into all his views. Following after the advancing troops^ 
they told him every thing that passed in the white man's camp ; but carefully con- 
cealed his presence among them, until after the passage of the St. Mary's, when, 
with much triumph they led him to his father, and said, " that he was a youno- war- 
rior, and would fight ; that the great Spirit would watch over his life, for he loved 
young warriors." The ruling passion could no longer be restrained. He followed 
his father's footsteps until he saw him fall, covered with many wounds, at fort 
Moosa. But the great Spirit did watch over him most miraculousfy. For when he 
saw his father fall, he was so transfixed with horror, that not until a Spanish oflicer 
laid hold upon his plaid, was he roused to action. Light anfl elastic as a steel bow, 
he slipped from under the grasp of this officer, and made his escape with the wreck 
of the corps. It was from the lii)sof this gentleman (my aged grandfather) I learned 
much of what 1 know respecting General Oglethorpe, and the times and the things 
of that day. 

272 Life of Oglethorpe. 

some ships to take position before St. Augustine, or south of 
it, so as to intercept all communication with, or supplies from 
Cuba. If this had been done, the six galleys and the ad- 
ditional forces, which accompanied them, would have been 
intercepted or captured. 

He gave his right wing, that marched by land, two days 
the start of him ; and moving as they did with a cloud of In- 
dians around them, he had just reason to suppose they would 
have been at the Cow-ford, a point nearer to St. Augustine, 
the day before he reached St. John's bluff; that, crossing over 
at this point, the whole peninsula between St. Augustine and 
the river St. John's would have been swept before his Indian 
allies and his light troops, by the time he had landed his 
men and munitions at the mouth of the river. This move- 
ment, by separate columns, and collapsing upon the point of 
attack, is now familiar to every military mail ; for it was the 
plan of Bonaparte at Ulm, at Madrid, and elsewhere. And 
such was the tactic of General Oglethorpe in his advance 
upon St. Augustine, and it only failed because there was a 
want of cooperation in the several parts. One object, how- 
ever, was obtained by this display of his means ; the medi- 
tated attack upon Frederica was postponed for two years. 
The Spaniards felt that, although his Indian allies had been 
of no value to him in the investment of an embattled castle 
and an entrenched town, they would be efficient in the de- 
fence of a country covered with wood, and giving field for 
stratagem, ambuscade and surprise ; and they waited there- 
fore in the hope that time might lessen or destroy this union. 

General Oglethorpe thus had a short space allowed him 
to turn his attention to the internal government and improve- 
ment of his colony ; and many a monument yet remains to 
show the ability and zeal with which he did so. War had 
called off his attention from Savannah, and he had fixed his 
residence at Frederica, the extreme southern point of his gov- 
ernment. Yet all that he did there, still shows the science 
that enlightened his mind, and the taste that presided over it. 
At Frederica, General Oglethorpe's object was diflferent. He 
was establishing a military post, and had to compact his means. 
There were no extended squares, and no broad streets, but 
his esplanade and parade ground. To the south of the fort 
the streets I think were about forty feet. There were no 
trees in them ; trees would have been in the way of military 

Life of Oglethorpe. 273 

movements. The houses were all either of brick or tabby,* 
the best and cheapest material that has ever been employed 
by man, for the ei'ection of permanent or even beautiful build- 
ings, with moderate means. For being soft and plastic when 
first mixed, he fashions it to his will, and it hardens to the 
form he stamps upon it. 

St. Simon's was then covered v.ith a thick and ponderous 
oak wood. None of this wood was cut away except around 
his fort, at the south end of the island, which was laid off into 
five acre lots for the troops who occupied it, and some 
small space around the works at Frederica at unexposed 
points north east of the town. It may be remembered, in 
describing the road executed immediately after the General's 
arrival with his troops, it was stated that the road entered 
a beautiful pi-aiiie of a mile over. Upon the shore of that 
prairie, just where the road entered the wood. General Ogle- 
thorpe established his own humble homestead. It consisted 
of a cottage, a garden, and an orchard for oranges, figs and 
grapes.f The house was overshadowed by oaks of every 
vai'iety. It looked to the westward across the prairie (which 

* Tabby (not tappy, as some have named it) is a mixture of lime, sand, and shells, 
or liiue, sand and gravel, or lime, sand and stones, in equal proportions, with an 
equal proportion of water to mix the mass. This mass, well mixed toirether, 
ii placed between two boards, kept apart by wooden plug-s. w.tli double heads, of 
a length proportionate to the thicluiess of the intended wall. These pl*nks or 
boards may run all around your building, rising about one foot at a time. When 
j-our tabby mass, being placed between these planKs, and settled down with a 
spade or rammer, has two or three days to hardi-n, the planks are taken away by 
drawing out the plugs. You may generally with safety go with this wall two 
rounds or feet a week in the summer, covermg over your work in stormy or rainy 
weather. The task 1 have required in this woik is thirty cubic feet per day, to mix' 
the mati-rial, fill in, and settle down, within the plank moulds. This is about equal, 
in quantity of wall, to six hundred common bricks, the laying of which alone, exclu- 
sive of the cost of the bricks, would be quite equal to the mixing and placing the 
tabby wall, moving the boxes, &c &c Nor is there any comparison in beauty or 
dur.ibility between a brick wall and a tabby wall so constructed, after time has been 
given for cementing the matter. The whole becomes a mass of stone almost imperish- 
able under the operations of time, and only to be re-dissolved by fire. It is supposed 
from Roman story, that the walls of Saguntum, around which Hannibal and the 
Scipios battled, were built of tabb3^. It is known that there are many walls of this 
material in Spain, which have resisted the elements for many centuries. John Gray 
Jackson, tJie late Consul General in Morocco, speaks of a tower at Mogadore, which 
is known to be eleven hundred years old, and which is now as firm and beautiful as 
when first erected. This was the material which General Oglethorpe employed in 
all his civil and militarj' works ; and why men coming after him d:d not continue to 
do so, I know not. 

t This cottage, and fifty acres of land attached to it, was all the landed domain 
General Oglethorpe reserved to himself, and after the General went to England, it 
became the property of my father ; so that I am only describing.a scene, travelled 
over by infant footsteps, and stamped upon my earliest recollections. After the 
Revolutionary war, the buildings being destroyed, my father sold this little property. 
But the oaks were only cut down within four or five years past, and the elder people 
of St. Simon's yet feel as if it were sacrilege, and mourn their fall. 




274 Life of Oglethorpe. 

was the common pasturage of the herds of the town), upon 
the entrenched town and fort, and upon the beautiful white 
houses, which had risen up as by the enchanter's will. Can 
imagination go back, and recall a hero and a statesman, re- 
posing under the shades of these oaks, in the twilight of a 
summer evening, and not feel that if pleasurable sensations 
belong to humanity, they might be enjoyed by such a man, 
at such an hour ? And what though in time the spoiler came ? 
The hand of unjust power first tore the soldier from his em- 
battled hall; fire fell upon his dwelling, when there was 
none to arrest its force ; and the smouldering ruin and the 
ivyed wall are all that now remain to tell where General Ogle- 
thorpe lived, or how he labored. Happily, he was far away, 
and did not see the ruin ; and memory in age delights to 
recall, not the dark, not the gloomy, but the bright hours of 
the past. 

At General Oglethorp's cottage, a road diverged due east, 
passing in about half a mile to the seat of Captain Raymond 
Demere, one of the oldest officers of the regiment. This 
gentleman was a French Huguenot of considerable fortune, 
much of which he expended in ornamenting a country seat, 
rather in the French taste than the English, or rather the 
taste of that day. At Harrington Hall, the seat of Captain 
Demere, the enclosures were entirely of orange or cassina, a 
species of Ilex, but the most beautiful of the family, with small 
fleshy leaves intensely green. The plant is covered during 
winter with berries of vermilion red, of a waxen softness, and 
almost transparent. For fifty years after the death of Captain 
Demere these hedges, in much of their beauty, continued to 
prompt experiment, and to invite others to improvement. If 
the cassina hedges are even now all gone, they must have 
perished by the rude axe, in the hands of ruder men, and not 
by time. 

St. Simon's, then, in its better day, was peopled with a 
thousand men. There was civilization and the arts ; and 
above, below, and all around, nature was fresh and free, and 
in her wildest mood. There was health too as well as en- 
joyment here, and the soldiers of General Oglethorpe, while 
at St Simon's, were exempt from sickness. Even at Darien, 
upon the Alatamaha, the Highlanders posted there, did not 
know a fever for many years. 

But the time of repose for General Oglethorpe was pass- 

Life of Oglethorpe. 275 

ing away. The Spaniards had taken two years to prepare 
their means, and were coming, as they believed, with over- 
whehning force, to seek him in his strong hold. In the be- 
ginning of May, 1742, he was informed by Capt. Hamer, of 
the Flamborough sloop of war, that, cruising south, he had 
discovered a considerable Spanish fleet, filled with troops, 
that he had kept them in view until he had discovered rheir 
destination to be St. Augustine. General Oglethorpe, know- 
ing that so large a force could only be intended for an attack 
upon Frederica, communicated with Governor Glen, and re- 
quested every aid that could be atTorded from South Caro- 
lina. He despatched a vessel to the West Indies to notify 
Admiral Vernon of the expected invasion. From neither 
of these did he receive any assistance, and he was basely 
left alone to meet the unequal contest. 

We have had published two recitals of the operations of 
the Spaniards against General Oglethorpe and his forces; 
Major McCall amplifying the details of Dr. Hewatt. But be- 
lieving every one prefers the narrative of the day, and the 
reflections of the time, we will give two letters, which contain 
something like a journal of General Oglethorpe's operations 
during the Spanish invasion of Frederica, and for a few days 
after their retreat. 

Extract from a letter from Mr. J. Smith, on board the Success 
Frigate; dated the 1 4th of July, 1742. 
" On June the 20th, three days after our arrival in Geor- 
gia, we were alarmed by some small vessels being seen off 
the harbor of St. Simon's, which we took to be Spaniards. 
The next day, we were informed that the enemy, with 
eleven galleys, were in Cumberland sound, about twenty 
miles south of St. Simon's, where we lay ; upon which the 
General, with two companies of soldiers in three boats, went 
to the relief of Fort William upon Cumberland island, so 
that crossing Cumberland sound, the galleys, full of men, 
bore down upon him. He began the engagement with his 
own boat's crew, and exchanged several volleys. In the 
mean time, two galleys engaged one of the General's boats, 
with fifty men, commanded by Lieutenant Folson, who bore 
away, and left the General, with the other two boats, en- 
gaged. But they bravely fought their way through, and got 
to Fort William. On the 24th, the General returned with a 

276 Life of Oglethorpe. 

company of soldiers, leaving all well at Fort William, when 
he arrested Lieutenant Folson for sailing away from him 
when engaged with the enemy. 

" Soon after thirty-two sail of vessels, large and small, 
came to anchor off the bar, hoisting Spanish colors ; where 
they lay five days, but sent their small vessels to sound 
the bar. Fourth of July, they came too in the right way 
of the channel, so that we expected to be attacked the next 
day. The General came on board of us, and made a speech 
to the seamen, calling upon them to stand by their liberties 
and our country. For himself, he was prepared for all dan- 
gers. He knew the enemy were more numerous far; but 
he relied upon the valor of his men, and he did not doubt, 
with the aid of God, they would be victorious. Fifth ; the 
Spanish vessels stood in. They were warmly received by 
the fort and vessels ; but passed on to Gascoin's bluff, where 
they landed five thousand men.* 

When General Oglethorpe found that his batteries could 
produce no effect upon the Spanish ships, from the distance at 
which they kept from his fort, he signalled his ships to run up 
to Frederica for security, deliberately spiked his guns, blew 
up part of the fort, but left some light troops and Indians 
posted in the woods where the road commenced, and retired 
to Frederica ; from whence we will again take up the jour- 
nal of the day. 

''Frederica, July 9th, 1742. 
" General Oglethorpe arrived here on the 6th, at day- 
break, without the loss of a man. The same day the Creek 

* Gascoin's blufFcould not be defended, as well from its extent, being more than a 
mile in lenjrth, as because a broad river approached it from the south ; while another 
river of still jrreater magnitude, goino^ round an island of marsh in front of it, came 
down in an opposite direction. General Oo-letborpe had wisel3^ therefore, not looked 
to it in his defences; but left all the obstacles that intervened between tlint position 
and Frederica in their natural state; and these were many. This bluff was in truth 
a peninsula, separated b}' a creek, bordered by miry marshes, and leadinjj in an in- 
tense srrub and wood, wiiich obtruded between the bluff and llie body of the island, 
and which only left free approach to it by open ground, leading to the southern 
beach where (ieneral Otrlithorpe's southern position was. 

The Spaniards, then, upon landing at Gascoin's bluff, moved down in force upon 
the batteries ; which had been abandoned, the guns spiked, and the garrison drawn 
back into the wood, a mile in the rear of the open fields attached to the fort The 
Spanish camp was ;it the fort, and around it ; the ships stretched along from the 
fort to Gascoin's bluff, which was only four miles by water from Frederica. But 
happily these four miles afforded good means upon which military stratagem might 
repose. The last irreat bend in approaching Frederica was so complex as to have 
been named the Devil's Elbow, and just at the point of this elbow an abrupt oyster 
bank rises up in the midst of the channel. No wind will bring a vessel through this 
bend, without making a tack at this point ; and at this point she would be under 
fire from both his lower batteries, and the oblique fire of his town batteries. 

Life of Oglethorpe. 277 

Indians brought in five Spanish prisoners. On the 7th the 
rangers came in, and gave an account that the enemy was 
within a mile. The General took the first horse he found, 
and took the Highland company, and ordered sixty from the 
guard to follow him. He himself galloped with the Indians 
to the place, just within the wood, where he found Captain 
Sebastian Santo and Captain Magaleto with a hundred and 
twenty-five Spanish troops, and forty-five Spanish Indians. 

" Captain Grey, with his Chicka^aws, Captain Jones, of 
Savannah, with Tomachichi and Ci'eek Indians, and the 
General with six Highland men, who outran the rest of the 
company, immediately attacked the Spaniards. 

"Captain Magaleto was killed, Captain Sebastian Santo 
taken, and the Spaniards entirely defeated. The General 
took two Spaniards with his own hands, and after pursuing 
near a mile, where he halted, he posted his troops to advan- 
tage in the wood ; then came hither to order the regiments 
and companies to march. On his returning with his troops 
towards the late field of action, he met three platoons in 
great disorder, who gave him an account that they had been 
broken by the Spaniards, who were extremely numerous. 
Notwithstanding which he rallied them, rode on, and to his 
great satisfaction found that Lieut. Southerland and Lieut. 
McKay, with the Highlanders, had entirely defeated the 
enemy, who consisted of six hundred men. Don Antonio 
Barbara, who commanded them, was made prisoner, but 
mortally wounded in the action. There was one Captain, 
one Corporal, and sixteen Spaniards taken, and about one 
hundred and fifty killed. 

"July 8th, before day-break, the General advanced with 
a party of Indians to the Spanish camp at St. Simon's, and 
found them all retired into the old fort, under the cannon of 
their men-of-war. 

"On the 9th and 10th all hands were employed on the 
works at Frederica, and the Indians brought us some scalps 
and prisoners. 

" On the 11th, a cutter and two galleys came within gun- 
shot of the town ; but on our firing some bombs and guns 
from the fort, and the General going towards them with his 
boats, they returned to their fleet. 

" The next morning, being the 12th, an English prisoner 
escaped from them, who informed us that the enemy on their 

278 Life of Oglethorpe. 

landing, had resolved on giving no quarter ; but from the 
day their grenadiers were defeated, they had been in great 
terror, had entrenched themselves, and given orders that no 
one should go without their sentinels, for fear of being sur- 
prized by the Indians. 

"There was great disunion among them; insomuch that 
Don Antonio de Rodondo, who commanded the Cuba forces, 
encamped separately from those of St. Augustine ; and that 
the Commodore had ordered all his seamen on board. 

"That night the General, with five hundred men, marched 
within a mile of the enemy's camp, intending to surprise 
them, but was prevented by the treachery of a Frenchman, 
■who fired his piece, gave the alarm to the enemy, and then 
deserted to them. When the General found his intentions 
discovered to the enemy, he ordered all his drums to beat 
the grenadier's march, and then returned to Frederica. 

" The next day, being the 13th, in order to defeat the in- 
formation of the French deserter, he directed a letter to be 
written, and sent it by a Spanish prisoner, who, for a reward, 
and his liberty, undertook to deliver it to the said French- 
man ; who was instructed to acquaint the enemy's com- 
manding officer of the defenceless state of Frederica, and 
encourage them to come up by water under his pilotage. 
This letter the Spanish prisoner delivered to the governor of 
St. Augustine ; and it had so good an efTect that the French- 
man was immediately put into irons. 

"The next morning the Spaniards burned the barracks 
and officers' houses at St. Simon's, and Major Horton's house 
on Jekyl Island ; and the same night they reembarked with 
so much precipitation, that they left a quantity of ammuni- 
tion, provisions, and some guns behind them. 

"The 13th, all the large vessels with the Cuba forces, 
sailed to the southward, and the Governor and troops from 
St. Augustine, on board the small craft, went within land, 
and encamped at St. Andrew's, and caught fifty horses with 
a design to carry them away ; but on the General's appear- 
ing in his boats, the enemy shot the horses, and burned the 
fort and houses at St. Andrew's. 

" On the 16th, the General followed the Spaniards with all 
his small craft, but was not strong enough to attack them. 
He landed a man out of his boat on Cumberland ; who that 
night passed the enemy's camp, and early the next day 

Life of Oglethorpe. 279 

came to fort William, with advice to Ensign Stuart that the 
Spaniards were beat off from St. Simon's, and that the 
General was coming with succors, and ordered him to de- 
fend the fort to the utmost.* 

"The 18th, twenty-eight sail of Spanish vessels appeared 
off Fort William, fourteen of which came within land, and 
attacked the fort from their galleys and other vessels, and 
attempted landing ; but were repulsed by a party of rangers 
from behind the sand hills. Ensign Stuart, who commanded 
in the fort with sixty men, defended it so bravely that after 
an attack of upwards of three hours, they were obliged to 
put to sea with considerable loss. The eighteen pounders 
disabled two of their galleys. 

"The 19th, the General was on his way to Fort William. 
The 20th, he arrived there, and sent his boats and rangers 
as far as the river St. John's, who returned the next day 
with advice that the enemy was quite gone. Upon which 
the General gave orders for the repairing of the fort, and on 
the 22d, returned to Frederica. A few days afterwards 
the men of war from Charleston came off St. Simon's bar. 
Capt. Thompson with some volunteers from Carolina, our 
guard schooner, and two galleys came into St. Simon's har- 
bor; and Capt. Hardy, of the Rye man-of-war, receiving a 
message from the General by Lieut. Maxwell, who went on 
board him, sent for answer, that he would take a cruise with 
the rest of the king's ships. But the General, apprehending 

* The Ensign Stuart, so honorably mentioned here, became celebrated afterwards 
as Captain Stuart, who was taken at Fort London, in the Cherokee country, and 
whose life was saved by his Indian friend Attakullakulla. The whole story, as 
detailed by Dr. Hewatt (p. ^37 to 24'^, vol 2d.) is as romantic as it is beautiful. It 
exhibits Indian friendship in its warmest coloring; it exhibits Indian cliaracter in its 
brightest light. This ancient Chief had remembered Captain Stuart, when he was a 
young Highland officer of General Oglethorpe's; and although fifteen years had 
rolled away, although his country was still bleeding, and lie was indijinant at the 
treachery of Governor Littleton, of Carolina, in the imprisonment and death of the 
chiefs of twenty towns; yet no actings of others could extinguish, in this generous 
and high-minded man, the friendship of years. The dangers of tliat day, the thou- 
sand wiles and accidents Capt. Stuart escaped from, renowned him among the In- 
dians, and concentred upon him the affections of all the southern tribes. He was 
the Colonel John Stuart of the Revolutionary war, who from Pensacola directed at 
will the movements of the Choctaws, the Chickasaws, the Creeks, and the Chero- 
kees, against all save Georgia. The memory of General Oglethorpe hung like a 
panoply over Georgia; for she suffered but little, considering her weakness, during 
the Revolutionary war, from Indian aggressions. Nor was th-is feeling altogether 
extinct for fifty years with the Creeks, nor until they believed the people of Ogle- 
thorpe had passed away, and the country was occupied by Virginia Algoes. 

Sir John Stuart, the victor over General Ranicr at the battle of Maida, in Calabria, 
was the son of this gentleman. This victory at Maida was tiie first triumiih obtained 
with equal numbers by England over France in the late war ; but it would not have 
been his last, if he had not perished prematurely. 

280 Life of Ogletliorpe, 

the Spaniards, upon recovering their fi-ight, might return 
witii more courage and better conduct, continued Capt. 
Thompson's ship in the king's service, and sent expresses 
over hmd to the northern provinces on this occasion. 

"A list of some of the Spanish forces employed in the 
invasion of Georgia under the command of Don Manuel de 
Monteano, Governor of St. Augustine, Commander-in-Chief 
of the expedition ; and Major General Antonio de Rodondo, 
en2:ineer o;eneral : — 

" Two colonels, with brevets of brigadiers ; one regiment 
of Grenadiers ; one reojiment of Dragoons, dismounted ; 
the regiment called the Havanna Regiment; ten companies 
of fifty each, drafted off from several regiments in the Ha- 
vanna ; one regiment of the Havanna militia, consisting of 
ten companies of one hundred each ; one regiment of 
negroes, regulars, officered by negroes ; one regiment of 
mulattoes, and one company of one hundred Miguelatos; 
one company of the train, with proper artillery. Augustine 
forces consisting of about three hundred men, ninety Indians, 
and fifteen negroes, who ran away from South Carolina." 

Thus terminated the invasion of Georgia by the great 
force that had been brought to bear upon General Ogle- 
thorpe, leaving him victorious, and crowned with a glory 
which no Englishman up to that time had acquired in any 
of the provinces ; for the Spaniards of that day were not 
like the Spaniards of this. Spain had been for centuries a 
field of battle, an arena for the powers of Europe to con- 
tend in. Nor had Spanish infantry lost any of that fame, 
in these times, which they had so well maintained under a 
Prince of Parma and a Duke of Alva. The Spanish infantry 
that were brought to bear upon Fort Moosa, and again at 
the Bloody Marsh on St. Simon's, were the same. They 
were a chosen regiment of grenadiers from old Spain, in 
garrison at Cuba, that were employed upon both occasions. 
At Fort Moosa they were victorious, but not bloodless. 
The particulars of that affair were not known for years, or 
until Capt. Mcintosh was exchanged at the peace. 

Fort Moosa is upon a broad river emptying itself under 
the castle of St. Augustine, four miles only from the castle. 
Capt. Mcintosh had remonstrated with Col. Palmer, for re- 
maining there more than one night, until it produced an 
alienation between them. All that he could then do was to 

Life of Oglethorpe. 281 

make his company sleep upon their arms. They were not 
surprised. At the first alarm of the sentinels they were in 
rank. They met the Spanish infantry that approached them 
in three columns with a highland shout. But the contest was 
too unequal ; all was over in a moment; and Capt. Mcintosh 
and thirty-six of his men had fallen under the Spanish bay- 
onets. A few, with his young son, escaped through the 
breached wall, and when Col. Palmer, saw the overwhelm- 
ing force that assailed them, he directed the rangers with- 
out the walls, to fly ; but, refusing to follow them, paid the 
debt of imprudence with his blood. 

The Spaniards, as should have been expected, when they 
found Col. Palmer, for five nights, had made with his mov- 
ing columns. Fort Moosa his resting-place, came in boats 
with muffled oars at the dead of night. They landed un- 
heard and undiscovered. The Indians, who were relied 
upon by the commanding ofiicer, were watching the land 
side, but never dreamed of, or looked to the water. The 
dead and the wounded of the Spaniards were carried back to 
St. Augustine for burial. It was this same regiment that, 
two years afterwards, was brought from Cuba to lead in all 
enterprises that were again destined to meet the remnant of 
those highlanders, that they had encountered at Fort Moosa. 
But this time the scene had changed. It was in the light 
of day, and it was blood and slaughter, and not victory that 
awaited them. 

In the details that have been given of that day, writ- 
ten probably in a hurry, and certainly by one not himself 
engaged in the action, there is some confusion of position, 
and some mingling of events, which can only be understood 
by one familiar in his childhood with the scene, and who has 
travelled it over often, with more than one that was himself 
an actor in the conflict. 

It may be remembered that in giving an account of the 
road cut out from Frederica to the south end of the island of 
St. Simons, where the fort and sea battery were placed, it 
was stated that General Oglethorpe traced this road himself; 
that it proceeded in a south-eastern direction, for two or 
three miles, where it reached the eastern marsh ; that this 
marsh was bounded to the east, or seaward, by a thick and 
impracticable morass ; on the west, by dense, close wood. 
The highway continued along this marsh for two miles, 


282 Life of Oglethorpe. 

sometimes opening into wide spreads of firm land, fit for the 
display or manoeuvring of men. But when it had again 
approached within two miles of the south end, there was a 
bend, in crescent form, in which the firm way was not more 
than twenty yards wide ; on the east or convex-side of the 
crescent an intense morass, on the concave or western shore 
of the crescent an extreme thick brush-wood. After pass- 
ing this strait, the road entered an open wood of oaks and 
other timber, concealing the movement of troops, but not 
giving passage to them. This wood continued for about a 
mile or two before the fort and open grounds and sea ex- 
panded to the view. It was in this open wood. General 
Oglethorpe had, in retiring from Frederica, left a few rangers 
and some Indians to watch the motions of the Spaniards. 
And this wood was the scene of action on the morning of 
the seventh of July. Two companies of vSpaniards and 
some Spanish Indians at the dawn of day issued from the 
Spanish camp and made an attack upon the rangers and In- 
dians within the wood. They drove the rangers and In- 
dians to the mouth of the defile, but did not attempt to pass 
it. The first movement of the Spaniards had been commu- 
nicated, as we see, to the General. He hurried to the scene 
of action, and with his advance overthrew the Spaniards, and 
pursued them to the open field in view of the fort. His first 
impression, afier taking this view was that this attack, from 
the small force employed, was but a feint to draw off his at- 
tention from a more serious attack of Frederica by water. 
He therefore left two companies of his regiment under the 
command of one of his oldest Captains ; the Highland com- 
pany and the Indians, to guard the wood, and returned to 
wait any movement the enemy might have made by the 
river against Frederica. But finding there again all still, and 
the vessels that were within his observation from his lawn 
or point battery in their former positions, he was returning to 
the late scene of action with all the men that were not abso- 
lutely necessary to man his batteries, when about half way 
from Frederica he met his two companies with the great 
body of his Indians, who said that they had been assailed 
by the whole Spanish force in the wood ; that they had been 
broken and had retired before them ; that the Spaniards were 
in pursuit, and would soon be upon them ; for they heard the 
firing and yells of their Indians in pursuit. He ralli.ed his 

Life of Oghthaqye, 283 

broken troops, and reproached them for not taking ground 
upon some of the strong points they had left behind them, 
there to await his arrival ; for he knew he must fight the 
enemy upon some of those points, or all would be lost. 

Frederica could not be defended, if the enemy once 
reached the prairie in its rear but for a short time; and all 
his hopes rested upon meeting them with his Indians in the 
wood, and profiting by the localities. He continued, how- 
ever, with hurried steps, and with reviving hopes as he met 
no enemy in advance ; until, arriving at the last bend of the 
marshy way, a scene opened upon him, which his proudest 
expectations could never have looked for ; a scene to himself 
of glory and security ; to his enemy, of shame and defeat. 

The last bend of the marsh was covered by two hundred 
grenadiers, who lay dead or dying upon the field, while not 
an enemy w^as in sight. All was still, save sometimes at in- 
tervals a Highland shout or an Indian yell proclaimed that 
another and another had been found, and dragged from his 
covert. But how rose that shout, how rang that yell, when 
the actors stood around their chief to hail him victor of the . 
day. And we have seen the eye glisten, and the voice rise, 
fifty years afterwards as we fondly listened to the tale by 
one who had mingled in the strife and been partner in the 

But we will detail the little that remains to be told. 
When the troops were attacked in the wood by the Spanish 
forces from their camp, they w^ere overwhelmed by su- 
perior numbers, and became, as is sometimes the case with 
even veteran troops, seized with a panic, lest the Spaniards, 
pushing on, should take possession of the defile, and cut off 
their retreat. They therefore made a precipitate retreat, the 
Highlanders following in the rear reluctantly. After passing 
through the defile Lieut. McKay communicated to his friend 
Lieut. Southerland, (who commanded the rear guard of the 
retreating forces, composed also of Highlanders,) the feelings 
of his corps, and they agreed to drop behind, and as soon 
as the whole had passed the defile, as there were no Span- 
iards in view, to return through the brush and take post at 
the two points of the crescent. Four Indians that were with 
them, and particularly attached to the corps, remained with 
them. They had just taken post and concealed themselves in 
the woods when the Spaniards, having made all their arrange- 

284 Life of Oglethorpe. 

merits for an advance, their grenadier regiment, the elite of 
their troops, advanced into the defile, where, seeing in the 
foot-prints the rapid retreat of the broken troops, and ob- 
serving that their right was covered by an open morass, and 
their left, as they supposed, by an impracticable wall of 
brush-wood, and a border of dry white sand, they stacked 
their arms and sat down to take the refreshment that had 
become necessary after having been under arms many hours, 
believing as they did, that the contest for the day was over. 
Just at that moment, a Highland cap was raised at either 
point, and the scene of death began. All was terror — no 
resistance was made — sometimes they attempted to fly 
along the marsh. This pass was too narrow. They were 
met and slaughtered by the broad-sword. Those that did 
escape, had at last to make their way to and through the 
brush-wood, where many wounded perished, and their 
bodies were only found when all that remained of them were 
their whitened bones. 

The young soldier of Fort Moosa, just then sixteen years 
of age, was there. No shout rose higher, no sword waved 
quicker than his upon that day. But his heart was as soft as 
it was brave, and there was melancholy in his mood, when 
standing upon the ground and pointing to where the victor 
stood, and where the vanquished fell, he told to his daugh- 
ter's son this tale of other times.* 

General Oglethorpe had long been informed, and knew, 
of the intrigues that Lieut. Col. Cook, and Col. Vanderdus- 
sen, and other disgraced and disaffected persons at and from 
Charleston had been carrying on against him in England. 
But conscious in his own integrity, and proud in the purity 
of his own actions, he did not waste one hour of his time in 
reflections upon these reptiles ; awaiting in repose the time, 
when having discharged his higher duties, he would have 
leisure to turn upon them and their calumnies. He remained 
therefore in Georgia until March or April of the year 1743 ; 
and would have remained still longer, but the high military 

* The tract of land that surrounded this field of action, was afterwards granted to 
Col. William Mcintosh, my grandfather. It was sold subsequently to Mr. Cater and 
Mr. Page, of St. Simon's island. Mr. Cater's house stands within a hundred yards 
from the IBloody Bend, as it was named from that day. 

Peter Grant, a highland soldier of the rear guard, commanded by Lieut. South- 
erland, died at St. Simon's island, eighty odd years of age. He too has pointed out 
to rne, on the ground, the position of Lieut. Southerland and his men on that day. 

Life of OgletJwrpe. 285 

reputation he had acquired in Europe by the result of the 
Spanish war in Georgia had drawn upon him the eyes of 
the British ministry, who were beginning to tremble at the 
rumor of an expected invasion by Charles Edward Stuart, 
the young Pretender, to be backed by France. The minis- 
try were anxious for his presence in their army, from the 
consideration he was held in by the high church and Jaco- 
bite parties, with whom it was supposed his presence in the 
army would have an influence. He therefore received posi- 
tive orders to embark for England. Georgia being no longer 
in danger, he could no longer postpone obedience to those 
orders, and General Oglethorpe was compelled, by military 
duty, reluctantly to take part in a contest, in which his heart 
did not follow his hand ; and, as is ever the case in every 
such contest, the latent feeling never fails in some hour of 
opportunity, in a generous mind, to develope itself. The 
day before his departure from St. Simon's, while at anchor 
in the sound, the scene between himself and the young 
Mclntoshes, William and Lacklin, (which is related in the 
life of General Lacklin Mcintosh*) occurred. All Georgia 
lamented his departure, and none more than his regiment, 
which loved him as a father, and revered him as a friend. 
But all hoped that this departure, hke the many separations 
that had been before, would be of short duration, and that 
he would return to them, as he had returned before, with 
blessings upon his wings. 

They litde knew that the viper, which had been gathering 
venom for a long time, was in the way, and that at the first 
incautious step, it would sting him they so much loved, or 
still more dark would have been the day, when for the last 
time his sails were unfurled to the winds of the west. 

We will extract from Dr. Hewatt the feelings of Carolina 
when General Oglethorpe had at length left Georgia, and it 
will come better from him than from us, for we feel reluctant 
to speak of his enemies. 

" But while the inhabitants of Port Royal were thus ad- 
dressing General Oglethorpe, reports were circulating in 
Charleston to his prejudice, insomuch that both his honor 
and honesty were called in question. Such malicious rumors 
had even reached London, and occasioned some of his bills 

* National Portrait Gallery. 

286 Life of Oglethorpe, 

to return to America protested. Lieut. Col. William Cook, 
who owed his preferment to the General's particular friend- 
ship and generosity, and who, on pretence of sickness, had 
left Georgia before this invasion, had filed no less than nine- 
teen articles of complaint against him, summoning several 
officers and soldiers from Georgia to prove the charge. 

"As the General had in fact stretched his credit, exhaust- 
ed his strength and risked his life for the defence of Caro- 
lina, in its frontier colony, such a recompense must have 
been equally provoking, as it was unmerited. We are apt 
to believe that such injurious treatment could not have arisen 
from the wiser and better part of the inhabitants, and therefore 
must be solely ascribed to some envious and malignant spirits 
who are to be found in all communities. Envy cannot bear 
the blaze of superior virtue, and malice rejoices in the stains 
which even falsehood throws on a distinguished character ; 
and such is the extensive freedom of the British form of 
government, that every one, even the meanest, may step forth 
as an enemy to great abilities and unblemished reputation." 

Soon after his arrival a court martial of General officers 
was called, who sat two days at the Horse Guards, examin- 
ing one by one the various articles of complaint lodged 
against him. After the most mature examination, the board 
adjudged the charge to be false, malicious and groundless, 
and reported the same to his Majesty ; in consequence of 
which Lieut. CoL Cook was dismissed from the service, and 
declared incapable of serving his Majesty in any military ca- 
pacity whatever. 

By this means the character of Gen. Oglethorpe was vin- 
dicated, and began to appear to the world in its true and fa- 
vorable light. Carolina owed this benefactor her friendship 
and love ; Georgia was indebted to him for both her exist- 
ence and protection. Indeed his generous services for both 
colonies deserve to be deeply imprinted on the memory of 
every inhabitant, and the benefit resulting from them to be 
remembered to the latest age with joy and gratitude. 

On the return of Gen. Oglethorpe to England the Trus- 
tees adopted his views and revised the government of the 

Up to this period the government of Georgia had been 
altogether miUtary, executed by Gen. Oglethorpe and such 
oflicers as he chose to appoint ; but his paternal eye being 

Life of OgleUiorpe. 287 

now withdrawn (for a time, the length of which could not 
be known,) the Trustees established a civil government, 
and committed the administration to the President and four 
Assistants, who were to correspond directly with the Board 
of Trustees, and receive instructions from them, while Gen. 
Oglethorpe's regiment was left for the protection of the pro- 
vince. And here perhaps is the proper place to pause and 
look back for a moment to the course of Georgia, under 
Gen. Oglethorpe ; for the habit of humanity is complaint, 
the lot of humanity is care and suffering. 

We must not look at the condition of Geor2:ia under Gen- 
eral Oglethorpe and the Trustees in the abstract, but re- 
gard it in comparison with the condition of other colonies in 
their first settlement. And yet there was no colony so ex- 
posed to dangers from civilized and savage men. What had 
been the condition of Virginia for fifty years after its first set- 
tlement? What had it been but war within and war with- 
out? Even the brave and iron-hearted men of Cromwell, 
what was their condition for the first fifty years? Did they 
know peace ? Did they enjoy pleasure ? Among the pil- 
grims of the east was there harmony within and security 
from without ? The people of Georgia, under Gen. Ogle- 
thorpe, complained, though all their real wants were minis- 
tered to, because the wilderness did not blossom, or the 
earth give forth its fruits without labor. But time and re- 
flection have brought healing upon its wings. 

Gen. Oglethorpe, soon after his arrival in England, mar- 
ried a lady of some fortune, to whom he had been long at- 
tached ; a lady whose mind and disposition were calculated 
to give him what neither the new^ world nor the old had 
given him, the repose of years. 

Gen. Oglethorpe was received very graciously by the ad- 
ministration, who were in the daily expectation of an inva- 
sion, by Charles Edward Stuart, backed as was supposed 
by a French and Spanish force. Gen. Oglethorpe's mili- 
tary reputation was high, particularly with the Jacobite 
party, while the ministry knew they could rely upon his 
faith and his soldier's honor, if he was engaged in the con- 
test, however his feelings might have clung to the standard 
under which his fathers fought. They therefore gave him a 
command in the army that was collecting to meet the ex- 
pected rising of the north. 

288 Life of Oglethorpe. 

At length in June, 1745, the pretender Charles Edward 
Stuart sailed from France, and after meeting with many 
difficulties landed in Scodand and raised his standard. He 
was joined by a few of the Clans ; foremost among them the 
Camerons. The Mclntoshes had suffered so much in the 
rising of 1715, that few of them were left for the war of '45. 
But these few were led to the field by a woman, by Lady 
Mcintosh, a near relative of John More Mcintosh of Georgia, 
who had married her kinsman Mcintosh of Mary Hall, a 
branch of the family that had attached themselves to the 
house of Brunswick. 

A reference to Smollet, vol. iii., p. 150, will show the 
progress of Prince Charles and the cruelties practised on his 
adherents by the forces sent to quell the rebellion and arrest 
his career. Not Alaric with his Goths nor Attila with his 
Huns ever carried desolation farther than did the recreant 
Generals Cope and Hawley their exterminating wrath upon 
the unfortunate people of Scotland. 

Is it to be wondered at that General Oglethorpe who 
commanded the English horse, and was a witness of these 
outrages, (in modern times without example,) and that too 
upon the relatives and friends of men who had served with 
him in Georgia, and followed his steps through dangers and 
difficulties from which these murderers would have shrunk 
abashed or fled ; — is it to be wondered, that his generous 
mind revolted at such cruelties ? that he first complained, 
then remonstrated, to the Duke of Cumberland ; and at 
length broke out in indignant wrath against Cope and Haw- 
ley, the immediate instruments of all these barbarities ? 

It is in relation to this attack upon Cope and Hawley, 
that Horace Walpole, the invidious retailer of old stories, and 
the recorder of the idle gossip of the day, himself incapable 
of feeling as General Oglethorpe felt, or of acting as General 
Oglethorpe acted, has been pleased to style him a bully. It 
was in consequence too, of this attack upon Cope and Haw- 
ley, and his strong remonstrances to the Duke of Cumber- 
land, that a court martial was gotten up against General 
Oglethorpe, under a charge of not having pursued at Car- 
lisle the retreating forces of Prince Charles. A court martial 
held upon one who had given the first check to the Prince, 
and by men whom the Prince had defeated with less than 

Life of Oglethorpe, ' 289 

half the numbers they commanded ! General Oglethorpe 
was honorably acquitted. 

There still remained one blow which was to afflict him 
sorely. He had recruited his own regiment, selected his 
own officers; and they had followed him undismayed by 
the enemies that surrounded him, or the treachery of appa- 
rent friends. He had no children, and he had learned to 
feel for these companions in arms a father's love. These 
were now to be torn from his command. His regiment, by 
the will of the court and the Duke of Cumberland, was to 
be disbanded and scattered through the wilds of America. 
Those men who had met the Indian tribes in Georgia in 
friendship and in fellowship, were to meet some of these 
very tribes in hostile and deadly combat. Captain McKay 
with two companies were to be sent to Virginia, to encounter 
the western tribes. Captains Demere and Stuart were to 
be sent to Carolina to encounter the Cherokees. But 
wheresoever a Scottish cap or a Highland plaid was seen, 
it became a symbol of peace, a flag of protection. This 
blow upon his regiment had well nigh overwhelmed Gene- 
ral Oglethorpe. It sickened him of the world, and he felt 
emphatically that all is vanity and vexation of spirit. From 
henceforth all search after fame was at an end. He turned 
for consolation to the reminiscences of the past, to the hopes 
of the future, to the bosom of his wife, to the affections of his 

In 1747, he withdrew from parhament and for thirty-eight 
years enjoyed undisturbed repose; honored by the wise, 
respected by the good. We never hear of him from forty- 
seven to eighty-live, when he closed his calm and happy 
life, but in terms of praise. We never hear his name, but 
in eulogy. And what has become of his enemies ! 

General Oglethorpe's mind was deeply enriched with 
knowledge. In his long retirement from public life, he was 
the constant associate and comf)anion of the literary men of 
the day ; and it is only from this association that we can 
now know, how this long retirement was passed. And 
happily we have enough before us to show that the disap- 
pointment of his higher hopes, had not soured his temper, or 
ruffled his disposition. The first fifty years of his life, had 
been given to the public and to his country ; the last forty 
were given to his friends ; and with such extracts as we 


290 Life of Oglethorpe. 

find in Boswell and others, we will close this article, satisfied 
that enough has been said, deeply to endear his memory to 
all who may read what is written. 

The following simple but interesting narrative, shows 
how Boswell became acquainted and intimate with General 
Oglethorpe. As it is characteristic of the frank and liberal 
character of General Oglethorpe, it is inserted, although not 
in its proper place. 

"Let me here be allowed to pay my tribute of most sin- 
cere gratitude, to the memory of that excellent person, my 
intimacy with whom was the more valuable to me, because 
my first acquaintance with him was unexpected and unso- 
licited. Soon after the publication of my 'Account of Cor- 
sica,' he did me the honor to call on me, and approaching 
me with a frank, courteous air, said, 'My name, sir, is Ogle- 
thorpe, and I wish to be acquainted with you.' I was not a 
Uttle flattered to be thus addressed by an eminent man, of 
whom I had read in Pope from my early years, 

* Or driven by strong benevolence of soul, 
Will fly, like Oglethorpe, from pole to pole.' 

"I was fortunate to be found worthy of his good opinion, 
insomuch that I was not only invited to make one in the 
many respectable companies, whom he entertained at his 
table, but had a cover at his hospitable board, every day 
when I happened to be disengaged ; and in his society I 
never failed to enjoy learned and animated conversation, 
seasoned with genuine sentiments of virtue and religion." 

At Boswell's second visit to London in 1762, he became 
acquainted with General Oglethorpe ; and the following ex- 
tracts are taken from his works, in his several visits to Lon- 
don down to 1781. The last from a note in his work after 
the death of General Oglethorpe. They all tell the deep 
veneration felt for him. Even by the stern morahst himself, 
as well as by his whole school. Johnson's " London," was 
published in May, 1738. One of the warmest patrons of 
this poem was General Oglethorpe, " whose strong benevo- 
lence of soul," was unabated during the course of a very 
long life, though it is painful to think, that he had but too 
much reason to become cold and callous and discontented 
with the world, from the neglect which he experienced of 
his public and private worth by those in wlwse power it was. 

Life of Oglethorpe. 291 

to gratify so gallant a veteran with marks of distinction. 
This extraordinary person was as remarkable for his learning 
and taste as for his other eminent qualities ; and no man 
was more prompt, active, and generous in encouraging merit. 
I have heard Johnson gratefully acknowledge in his presence 
the kind and effectual support which he gave to his "Lon- 
don," though unacquainted with its author. 

Extract second, vol. 2, page 163. — " I dined with Johnson 
at General Oglethorpe's where we found Goldsmith. I 
started the question, ' Whether duelling was consistent with 
moral duty.' The brave old General fired at this and said 
with a lofty air, ' Undoubtedly, a man has a right to defend 
his honor.' Goldsmhh (turning to me) 'I ask you first, 
sir, what would you do if you were affronted ? ' I answered, 
' I should think it necessary to fight.' ' Why then,' replied 
Goldsmith, ' that solves the question.' 

"Johnson. — 'No, sir, it does not solve the question. It 
does not follow that what a man would do, is therefore right. 
The General told us that when he was a very young man, 
I think fifteen only serving under Prince Eugene of Savoy, 
he was sitting in a company at table, with a Prince of Wir- 
temburg. The Prince took up a glass of wine, and by a 
fillip made some of it fly in Oglethorpe's face. Here was a 
nice dilemma. To have challenged him instantly, might 
have fixed a quarrelsome character upon the young soldier. 
To have taken no notice of it might have been considered 
as cowardice. Oglethorpe therefore keeping his eye upon 
the Prince, and smiling all the time as if he took what his 
Highness had done as a jest, said, ' Mon Prince,' (I forget 
the French words he used, the purport however was) ' that 
is a good joke, but we do it much better in England,' and 
threw a whole glass of wine in the Prince's face. An old 
general who sat by said, ' II a bien fait, mon Prince, vous 
I'avez commence ;' thus all ended in good humor. Dr. 
Johnson said, ' Pray, General, give us an account of the 
siege of Belgrade.' Upon which the General, pouring a 
little wine upon the table, described every thing with a wet 
finger. * Here we were ; here were the Turks, &c. &,c.' 
Johnson listened with the closest attention." 

Extract, page 327. — "On Monday, I dined with John- 
son at General Oglethorpe's, with Mr. Langton and the Iri«h 
Doctor Campbell, whom the General had obligingly given 

292 Life of Oglethorpe, 

me leave to bring with me. This learned gentleman was 
thus gratified with a very high intellectual feast, by not only 
being in company with Doctor Johnson, but with General 
Oglethorpe, who had been so long a celebrated name, both 
at home and abroad. 1775." 

These extracts from Boswell, have been made particu- 
larly to show his long, unbroken intimacy with the literary 
men of England. They might have been multiplied, but 
they are sufficient. They serve also to show the early pe- 
riod at which he had resigned his commission in the Guards, 
and become a volunteer with Prince Eugene ; and of course 
will in some degree establish his age. And they confirm be- 
yond question, the bitterness which the ruling party of Eng- 
land felt towards him, and how very improbable it is that 
they should have offered him any command at the com- 
mencement of the American war, a command that if offered 
to him, and if his age had permitted him to accept, he would 
have spurned with indignation ; as we know from the senti- 
ments expressed by him, of the character and principles of 
that war, to all who had an opportunity of hearing his senti- 
ments at the time. An attempt was made to introduce his 
name into the first commission sent out to negotiate with 
the first congress. But believing that the commission was 
intended to be delusive, and only designed to abate Ameri- 
can zeal, to divide the American people, and to unnerve the 
American arm, at the first overture the proposition was civ- 
illy declined. 

In youth. General Oglethorpe was very handsome, and 
through life retained the power of pleasing in a high degree. 

Mrs. Hannah More, in a letter to her sister dated 1784, 
says : " I have got a new admirer, and we flirt together pro- 
digiously. It is the famous Gen. Oglethorpe, perhaps the 
most remarkable man of his time. He was the foster- 
brother of the Pretender, and much above ninety years old. 
The finest figure you ever saw. He frequently realizes all 
my ideas of Nestor. His literature is great ; his knowledge 
of the world extensive, and his faculties as bright as ever. 
He is one of the three persons mentioned by Pope, still liv- 
ing ; Lord Mansfield, and Lord Marchraont are the other two. 
He was the intimate friend of Southern, the Tragic Poet, and 
all the wits of that time. He is perhaps the oldest man of a 
gentleman living ; and he could have entertained me by re- 

Life of Oglethorpe. 293 

peating passages from Sir Eldered. He is quite a preux 
chevalier ; heroic, romantic, and full of the old gallantry." 

There has been a mystery hanging about the age of Gen. 
Oglethorpe, and the period of his birth, whether he was born 
in the year 1689 or 1698. The last date is recorded upon 
his tomb by the direction of his wife. The first is contained 
in a certificate obtained from the Parish Clerk of St. James 
in London. It will be remembered that this is the transpo- 
sition of a single figure. The first recorded upon his tomb 
would make him eighty-seven years of age at his death, the 
last ninety-six. But there was another rumor afloat in the 
west of England, among the remaining friends of the house 
of Stuart, that he was the son of James II. ; and the beauty 
of his person, the grace of his manners and his chivalrous 
character, made it the more readily believed.* 

But after the most deliberate consideration of all the cir- 
cumstances, the writer of this, without spending words in idle 
disquisition, is satisfied to take that recorded upon his tomb 
as his true age, and to put the rest down to the propensity 
in men to mystify whatever is extraordinary. And it is ex- 
traordinary enough that General Oglethorpe should have 
carried his faculties in all their freshness to eighty-seven, 
and then not sink in cold decay, but Hke a tropical sun go 
down in all his strength. So much so, that the friends who 
were looking to him and listening for his last inspiration, had 
lost the opportunity ; for he had passed away. 

Mr. Boswell, after reciting a conversation between General 
Oglethorpe and Doctor Johnson, which took place in 1 775, 
and in which Doctor Johnson had urged General Oglethorpe 
to give the world his life, and in which the Doctor said, " I 
know no man whose life would be more interesting ; if I 
was furnished with materials I should be very glad to write 
it," — adds in this note: "The General seemed unwilling to 
enter upon it at that time. But upon a subsequent occa- 
sion, he communicated to me a number of particulars which 
I have committed to writing. But I was not sufficiently dili- 
gent in obtaining more from him ; not apprehending that his 
friends were so soon to lose him ; for notwithstanding his 

*This is no doubt another edition of the same story. General Oglethorpe could not 
liave been the foster-brother of Prince George, as the Revolution occurrrd some 
months before his birth, as given in the supposed certificate of the Parish Clerk, and 
thej are no doubt both incorrect. 

'294 Life of Oglethorpe. 

great age, he was very healthy and vigorous, and was at 
last carried off by a violent fever, which is often fatal, at any 
period of life." 

General Oglethorpe at his death left no children behind 
him, and as far as we know, no very near collateral relative 
in England. His wife, after having lived with him for more 
than forty years, in great harmony and affection, was left to 
weep over his grave. 

In France are to be found his nearest collateral relations. 
The family of the late Marquis De Bellegard are descended 
from his sister, Elizabeth Oglethorpe, who was attached to 
the family of James II. after their exile. That family are yet 
living, and, we suppose, one of them is a ducal peer of 
France. Not long before the decease of Mr. Harris, of Sa- 
vannah, he received a letter from Mr. De. Neuville, French 
minister at Washington, covering a letter from a French 
nobleman, stating himself to be the direct lineal descendant 
of Elizabeth Oglethorpe, the sister of General Oglethorpe ; 
and making the same inquiries respecting the landed prop- 
erty of General Oglethorpe, which were made of General 
Washington, in the year 1790, and to which the annexed 
letter is an answer. Had this letter to General Washington 
reached the public while the family were in exile, from the 
French Revolution, Georgia would not have forgotten them. 

When Mr. Harris submitted this letter to the writer of 
these notices, the family had been restored to high rank, 
and we supposed to fortune, and required no pecuniary aid. 
This letter must have been put into the hands of Mr. Bevan, 
by Mr. Harris. 

To the Marquis De Bellegard, United JVether lands. 

New York, Jan. 15, 1790. 
Sir, — I have received your letter dated the 18th of 
September, 1789 ; and in reply to it must inform you that so 
far from living upon terms of intimacy and friendship with 
the late General Oglethorpe, as it appears by your letter you 
have understood that I did, I never was so happy as to have 
any personal acquaintance with that gentleman, nor any 
other knowledge of him than from his general character. 
The distance of our place of residence from each other, 
which is nearly one thousand miles, and the different peri- 
ods in which we have lived, are circumstances which pre- 

Life of Oglethorpe. , 295 

elude the probability of our having been upon an intimate 

I have however directed inquiries to be made, among the 
gentlemen from the state of Georgia who are now attending 
congress in this place, respecting the affairs of the late Gen- 
eral Oglethorpe, and am informed by them, that they know 
of no lands belonging to him. One of them, a senator from 
the state of Georgia, mentions his having been written to 
some time since by Mr. Jefferson, our minister at the court 
of Versailles, upon the same subject, and in consequence 
thereof, he made qy^yj inquiry in his power, relative to the 
matter; but there were no lands in Georgia belonging to 
General Oglethorpe. And he farther adds, that if there had 
been property of that gentleman in Georgia in the time of 
the late war with Great Britain, so far from its having been 
confiscated, it would have met with singular protection, in 
consequence of the high estimation in which the character of 
General Oglethorpe stood in that state. I should have been 
happy, sir, to have had it in my power to give you more 
pleasing information upon this subject. I am, &c. 

George Washington. 

[Vol. 10, of Washingtoa's Letters.] 

The above letter, it will be remembered, was written 
within five years of General Oglethorpe's death, when all 
the circumstances of his family would be known to hun- 

Sapelo Island, March 20th, 1840. 


Aa Act to incorparate the Georgia Historical Society. 

Whereas, the members of a Society instituted in the city 
of Savannah for the purpose of collecting, preserving, and 
diflfusing information relating to the history of the State of 
Georgia in particular, and of American history generally, have 
applied for an Act of Incorporation ; — 

Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives of Georgia in general assembly met, and it is here- 
by enacted by the authority of the same. That J. M. Ber- 
rien and such other persons as now are and may from time 
to time become members of said Society, be and they are 
hereby declared and constituted a body corporate and politic, 
by the name of the " Georgia Historical Society," and by 
that name shall have perpetual succession and be capable to 
sue and be sued, to plead and be impleaded, answer and be 
answered unto, defend and be defended in all courts or pla- 
ces whatsoever, to have a common seal, and the same at 
pleasure to change or alter, to make, establish, and ordain such 
a constitution and such by-laws not repugnant to the consti- 
tution of this State or of the United States, as shall from time 
to time be necessary and expedient, and to annex to the 
breach thereof such penalty, by fine, suspension, or expul- 
sion as they may deem fit, and to purchase, take, receive, 
hold, and enjoy, to them and their successors, any goods, 
and chattels, lands and tenements, and to sell, lease, or other- 
wise dispose of the same, or of any part thereof, at their will 
and pleasure. Provided, that the clear annual income of such 
real and personal estate shall not exceed the sum of five 
thousand dollars, and provided also that the funds of the said 
corporation shall be used and appropriated to the purposes 
stated in the preamble of this Act and those only. 

Appendix. 297 

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted by the authority afore- 
said, that the said Society shall have power to elect and 
qualify such officers as may by them be deemed necessary, 
to be chosen at such time and to hold their offices for such 
period as the Constitution or By-Laws of said Society shall 
prescribe, and that if the election of said officers, or any of 
them, shall not be held on any of the days for that purpose 
appointed, it shall be lawful to make such election on any 
other day. 

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted by the authority afore- 
said, that it shall be the duty of the governor of the State to 
transmit or cause to be transmitted to the said Society, a set 
of the Acts and also of the Journals of the present and future 
sessions of the Legislature, and also copies of all other docu- 
ments, papers, books, and pamphlets that shall hereafter be 
printed under, or by virtue of, an act of Legislature, or joint 
resolution of both branches thereof, unless such act or reso- 
lution shall otherwise provide, and that the said Society may, 
by their agent or agents, have access at all reasonable 
times to the several public offices of this State and of the 
corporate towns and cities thereof, and may cause such docu- 
ments to be searched, examined, and copied without paying 
office fees as they may judge proper to promote the object 
of the Society. 

Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, that this Act shall be 
and is hereby declared to be a public Act, and shall be con- 
strued benignly and favorably for every beneficial purpose 
therein intended, and that no misnomer of the said Corpora- 
tion in any deed, will, testament, devise, gift, grant, demise, 
or other instrument of contract or conveyance, shall vitiate 
or defeat the same, provided the Corporation shall be suffi- 
ciently described to ascertain the intention of the parties. 

Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, that the governor be 
and he is hereby authorized and requested to confide to the 
care and keeping of the proper officers of said Society the 
transcripts of the colonial records lately taken by the Rev. C. 
W. Howard in London, until further disposition of the same 
shall be made by the General Assembly. 

Joseph Day, Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

Robert M. Echols, Pres. of the Senate. 

Assented to, 19th Dec. 1839. 

Charles J. McDonald, Governor. 

298 Appendix, 


Art. I. The society shall be called, The Georgia Histori- 
cal Society. 

Art. II. Its object shall be, to collect, preserve, and dif- 
fuse information relating to the history of the State of Geor- 
gia, in all its ^various departments, and of American history 

Art. III. This Society shall consist of Resident and Ho- 
norary Members — Resident Members embracing those 
within the State — Honorary Members, those distinguished 
for their literary attainments, particularly in the department 
of History, throughout the world. 

Art. IV. The officers of the Society shall be a President, 
two Vice Presidents, Corresponding Secretary, Recording 
Secretary, Treasurer, Librarian, and seven Curators ; who 
shall be elected by ballot, at each annual meeting. Should 
a vacancy occur in any of said offices, by death, resignation, 
removal, or otherwise, it may be filled up by ballot, at the 
next regular meeting of the Society, and if it shall happen in 
an office other than that of President or Vice President, it 
may be filled up until the next regular meeting, by the pre- 
siding officer, and the Curators, or a majority of them. 

Art. V. The annual meeting of the Society shall be held 
on the 12th day of February, and on the second Monday of 
every other month a monthly meeting shall be held. 

Art. VI. The President, or in his absence, either of the 
Vice Presidents, may call an extra meeting of the Society, 
upon the request of the majority of the Curators present in 
the city, or of five Resident Members. 

Art. VII. The admission of members shall be by ballot — 
their names having been first propounded at a previous meet- 
ing — and a majority of two-thirds present, shall be required 
to elect ; the Resident Members paying ten dollars for the 
first year, and a subsequent annual contribution of five dollars. 

Art. VIII. Seven Resident Members, includinjjf at least 
two of the officers, shall constitute a quorum, and be em- 
powered to transact the regular business of the society, ex- 
cept at the annual meeting, when fifteen shall constitute a 

Art. IX. This Constitution can be altered or amended 

Appendix. 299 

only by a vote of two-thirds of the Resident Members pre- 
sent at the annual meeting, and a notice to that effect having 
been made at a previous meeting. 


1. The President, or in his absence the highest officer pre- 
sent, shall preside at all meetings of the Society — regulate 
the debates, give, when required, the casting vote, preserve 
order, and be ex-officio. Chairman of the Board of Managers. 

2. The Corresponding Secretary shall conduct all the cor- 
respondence of the Society, his letters having previously re- 
ceived the sanction of the presiding officer. He shall pre- 
serve on file the originals of all communications addressed to 
the Society, and keep a fair copy of all his letters, in books 
furnished for the purpose. It shall furthermore be his duty, 
to read at each meeting the correspondence, or such ab- 
stracts from it, as the President may direct, which he has 
sustained since the previous meeting. 

3. The Recording Secretary shall keep the minutes of all 
meetings of the Society, and at the opening of each one, shall 
read those of the preceding one. He shall have the custody 
of the Constitution, By-Laws, and Records of the Society ; 
and shall give due notice of the time and place of all meet- 
ings of the Society. 

4. The Treasurer shall collect, receive, and disburse all 
moneys due and payable, and all donations and bequests of 
money, or other property, to the Society. He shall pay, un- 
der proper vouchers, all the ordinary expenses of the Society, 
and shall deposite all its funds in one of the Banks of the 
City, to the credit of the Society, subject to his checks, 
countersigned by the presiding officer ; and at the annual 
meeting shall make a true report of all moneys received and 
paid out by him, to be audited by the Committee of Finance, 
provided for hereafter. 

5. It shall be the duty of the Librarian, to preserve, arrange, 
and keep in good order, all books, MSS., documents, pam- 
phlets and papers, of every kind, belonging to the Society. 
He shall keep a catalogue of the same, and take especial 
care, that no book, MS., document, paper, or any property of 

300 Appendix. 

the Society, confided to his keeping, be removed from the 
room. He shall also be furnished with a book, in which to 
record all donations and bequests, of whatsoever kind, rela- 
ting to his department, with the name of the donor, and the 
time when bestowed. 

6. The Curators, with the President, Vice Presidents, Cor- 
responding and Recording Secretaries, Librarian, and Trea- 
surer, shall constitute a Board of Managers, whose duty it 
shall be, to superintend the general concerns of the Society. 
The President shall, from this Board, appoint the following 
Standing Committees, viz. : — On the Library, on Printing and 
Publishing, and on Finance. 

7. The Committee on the Library shall have the super- 
visory care of all the printed publications, manuscripts, and 
curiosities. They shall, wath the Librarian, provide suitable 
shelves, cases and fixtures, by which to arrange and display 
them. The printed volumes and manuscripts shall be regu- 
larly numbered, and marked with the name of the " Georgia 
Historical Society." They shall propose at the regular 
meetings, such books or MSS. pertaining to the object of the 
Society, as they shall deem expedient, which, when approv- 
ed, shall be by them purchased, and disposed of as above 
directed. They shall be required to visit the Library at least 
once each week, oflScially — and shall provide a book or 
books, in which the Librarian shall keep a record of their 
proceedings — and be entrusted, in general, with the custody, 
care and increase, of whatever comes within the province of 
their appointed duty. 

8. The Committee on Printing and Publishing, shall pre- 
pare for publication whatever documents or collections shall 
be ordered, by the Society — shall contract for, and super- 
vise the printing of the same, and shall furnish the Recording 
Secretary and Librarian, with such blank notices, summonses, 
labels, &c. as may be deemed requisite. 

9. The Committee on Finance shall consist of at least one 
member of each of the former Committees, and shall have 
the general oversight and direction of the funds of the So- 
ciety. They shall once in three months examine the books 
of the Treasurer, vouch all accounts of moneys expended, 
and audit his annual report. 

10. The order of proceeding at the regular meetings shall 
be as follows : — 1st. Reading the Minutes of the last meeting, 



and confirming them. 2d. Reading the correspondence of 
the Corresponding Secretary. 3d. Nomination of new mem- 
bers. 4th. Balloting for those already propounded. 5th. 
Overtures or reports from the Board of Managers, or from 
the Standing Committees. 6th. Communications or ad- 
dresses from the members. 7th. Miscellaneous business. 

1 1. The Board of Managers shall appoint one of the Resi- 
dent or Honorary Members of the Society, to deliver an his- 
torical discourse, at each annual meeting, together with such 
other exercises as shall be appropriate to its celebration. 

12. Any failure on the part of the members, after due 
notice from the President, to pay their annual dues, for two 
consecutive years, shall be considered a forfeiture of member- 
ship. And no person thus expunged, can be eligible to re- 
admission, without the strict payment of his arrears. 

Officers of the Georgia Historical Society, elected June, 1839. 

John Macpherson Berrien, President. 

T»r'l? t%t/a / Vice Presidents. 

M. H. M Allister, ) 

I. K. Tefft, Correspoding Secretary. 

William B. Stevens, Recording Secretary. 

George W. Hunter, Treasurer. 

Henry K. Preston, Librarian. 

William Thorne Williams, 

Charles S. Henry, 

John C. Nicoll, 

William Law, 1> Curators. 

Robert M. Charlton, 

Richard D. Arnold, 

A. A. Smets, 

Standing Committees. 

J. M. Wayne, 
William Law, 
J. C. Nicoll, 
R. M. Charlton, 
William B. Stevens, 
Henry K. Preston, 

> On the Librairy. 



W. T. Williams, 
I. K. Tefft, 

R. D. Arnold, 
M. H. M'Allister, 
C. S. Henry, 
William Law, 
William T. Williams, 
A. A. Smets, 
George W. Hunter, 

On Printing and Publishing. 

On Finance. 

List of the Resident Member's of the Georgia Historical 


Arnold, R. D., M. D. 
Anderson, Jno. W. 
BuIUkIi, W'm. B. 
Binney, Rev. Joseph D. 
Bulloch, Wm. H. 
Burroughs, Jos. H. 
Balfour, Jno. 
Bowen, ^^ m. P. 
Bartow, Rev. T. B. 
Barnard, Jas. 
Brown, Morgan. 
Berrien. Jno. M. 
Bulluch, N. W. J. 
Bartow, Francis S. 
Bayard, N. J. 
Charlton, Robert M. 
Cuniniing, tJeo. B. 
Curnming, Jos. 
Cohen, IHol. 
Campbell, D. C. 
Cow per, Jas. Hamilton. 
Caruthers, Win. A., M. D. 
Cuyler, Wm. H., M. D. 
Coppee, Edvv., M. D. 
Clark, Arch. 
Clinch, Gen. Duncan L. 
Cnibtree, Wm. J. 
Duncan, Wm. 
Daniell, W. C, M. D. 
Dudley, Geo. W. 
DeLamulta, J., Jr. 
D'Lyon, Judge Levi S. 
Fay, Jos. S. 
Fay, Sam. H. 
Fleming, Wm. B. 
Foster, Thos. F. 
Griffin, Jas. F., M. D. 
Goodwin, Robt. M. 

Glen, George. . 

Gordon, W. W. 

Hunter, Geo. W. 

Henry, Judge C. S. ~ 

Habersham, Robt. 

Habersham, Wm. N. 

Habersham, Jos. C., M. D. 

Harden. Ed. J. 

Harding, Geo. S. 

Harris, S. L. W. 

Howard, Rev. Cha. Wallace. 

Henry, J. P. 

House, Saml. C. 

Jones, Geo. 

Jones, Rev. Jos. L. 

Jackson, Jos. W. 

Kollock, P. M.,M. D. 

Kollock, Geo. J. 

King, Ralph. 

King, Thos. Butler. 

Law, Wm. 

Lamar, G. B. 

Lewis, John N. 

McAlli.-ter, M. H. 

McWhir, Wm., D. D. 

Mallard, Jno. B. 

Milieu, Jno. 

Millei, Wm. H. 

McArdell, C. 

Morel, Jas. S., M. D. 

Myers, M. 

McCall, Thas. 

Nicoll, Judge Jno. C. 

Neufville, Rev. Ed. 

Nesbit, E. A. 

O'Neill, Rev. J. F. 

Olmsted, Joua. 

Owens, R. W. 

Preston, H. K. 

Porler, Anthony. 

Paine, Capt. Thos., U. S. N. 

Posey. Jno. F., M. D. 

Preston, W., D. D. , 

Paddleford, Edw. 

Purse, Thos. 

Pooler, Robt. M. 

Philbiick, Saml. 

Pendleton, P. C. 

Robertson, W. 

Reynolds, L. O. 

Read, J. Bond, M. D. 

Randolph, R. H., M. D. 

Robertson, F. M., M. D. 

Schley, Geo. 

Smith, Jas. 

Stiles, Wm. H. 

Stiles, Benj. E. 

Shaffer, Jos. H. 

Stephens, Chas. 

Smets, A. A. 

Stevens, Wm. Bacon, M. D. 

Saunders, H., M. D. 

Sinclair, E. 

Sorel, Francis, 

Tatnell, Capt. Josiab, U. S. N. 

Tefft, I. K. 

Turner, Wm. 

White, Wm. P. 

Ward, Jno. E. 

Wayne, Judge Jas. M. 

Williams, Wm. Thome. 

White, Rev. Geo. 

Warner, Hiram. 

Wallace, Norman. 

Honorary Members. 

Hon. John a. Adams, LL. D., Ex. Pres. U. S., Ms. 

Bishop Andrews, Covington, Ga. 

Jasper Adams, D. D., West Point, N Y. 

Washington Alston, Esq., Cambridge, Ms. 

Geo. Bancroft, Esq., Boston, Ms. 

I. Bachman, D. D., Charleston, S. C. 

Geo. W. Bethune, D. D., Philadelphia. 

Rev. C. P. Bearaan, Pres. Oglethorpe Univ., Ga. 

Hon. Alden Bradford, LL. D. Boston, Ma. 

Rev. Leonard Bacon, New Haven, Ct. 

John Le Cont, Esq., Georgia. 

Hon. 1/ewis Cass, LL. I). Mi listerto France. 

J. I'eniiiiore Cooper, Esq., N. Y. 

Hon. Langdon Cheves, LL. D., Philadelphia. 

M. St. Clair Clarke, Esq., Washington, JL). C. 

B. K. Carroll, Esq., Charleston, S. C. 



Alonzo Church, D. D., Pres. Franklin Univ., Ga. 

William Cogswell, D D., Bo.-iton. 

Will. Drayton, Esq., Philailelpliia. 

Peter S. l)u Ponceau, LL. D., Philadelphia. 

Jeremiah Day, D. D. LL. D., Pres. Yale College. 

Hon. Thomas Day, Hartford, Conn 

Hun. Geo. INK Dalla , Minister to Russia. 

Hon John Davis, LL. D., liostoii 

S. Henry Dickson, M. D., Charleston, S. C. 

John Delafield, Esq., Cincinnati. 

Hon. I'.dward Everett, LL. I)., Boston. 

Hon. Alex. H. Everett, LL. D., Boston. 

Hon. Powhattan LIlis, Minister to Mexico. 

Hon. John H. Eaton, Minister to i:^pain, 

Prof. Romeo Elton, Providence. 

Hon. John Forsyth Washington. 

Bev. Ignatius A. Few, (ia. 

Kev. Joseph B. Felt, Boston. 

Peter Force, Esq., Washington. 

John W. Francis, M. D , i\ew Vork. 

Prof. Wm. G. (Joddard, Providence, R. I. 

Roht. Gilnior, E q., Baltimore, 

Samuel Gilman, D. D., Charleston, S. C. 

Allien G. Greene, Esq., Providence. 

Hon. Geo. R. Gilmer, Ga. 

Hon. Roht. Hallowell Gardiner, Gardiner, Me. 

Thad Mason Harris, D. D., Boston. 

Gen. Wm. Henry Harrison, Ohio. 

Jonathan Homer, D. D., Newton, Ms. 

Francis L. Hawkes, D. 1)., New York. 

Gen. Robt. V. Hayne, Charleston, S. C. 

Hon. B. C. Howard, Baltnnore. 

Isaac Hays, M. D. Philadelphia. 

Jas. G. Heath, Esq., Richmond, Va. 

Washington Irving. LL. D., New York. 

Theodore Irving, Esq , New York. 

Edw. D. Ingraham, Esq., Philadelphia. 

Gen. Andrew Jackson, LL. D., Ex. Pr.U.S.,Tenn. 

William Jenks, D. D., Boston. 

John Jay, Esq., New York. 

James Kent, LL. D., New York. 

Prof. Jas. L. Kingsley, LL. D., New Haven, Ct. 

Samuel Kerchival, Esq., Va. 

Mitchell King, Esq., Charleston. 

Geo. Washington Lafayette, France. 

Gen. Morgan Lewis, New York. 

Hon. Hush S. Legare, Charleston. 

Rev. A. B. Longsireet, Ga. 

Hon. Wilson Lumpkin, Ga. 

Hon. Henry A. Muhleiiburg, Minister to Austria. 

Samuel Miller, D. D , Princeton, N. J. 

James Moultrie, M. D., Charleston. 

Hon. Henry Middleton. S. C. 

Rev. Jesse Mercer, Ga. 

C. G. Memniinger, Esq., S. C. 

Hon. Charles J. McDonald, Gov. of Georgia. 

Prof. Denison Olmsted, New Haven, Conn. 

Wm. H. Prescotf, Esq., Boston. 

Hi>n. J. K. Panldine, Washington. 

Hon. Joel R. Poin»elt, LL. D., Washington. 

Hon. John Pickering, LL. D., Boston. 

Rev. Geo. Pierre, Ga. 

Jas. L. Petigru, Esq.,S. C. 

Htin. Josiali Quincy, LL. D., Pres. Harv. Univ. 

William Read, M. D., Charleston. 

Hon. flirani G. Runnels, Miss. 

Thomas Raffles, 1). 1)., LL. D., Liverpool, Eng. 

Hon. Ashur Hohbins, R. L 

J. G. M. Hamsey, Tenn. 

Jas. A. Stewart, Esq., Charleston. 

Hon. Jos. Story, LL. D.. Cambridge, Ms. 

Hon. Wm. R. Staples, Providence. 

Henry B. Schoolcraft, Esq. 

Thomas Spalding, Esq., Darien. 

Prof. Jared Sparks, Cambridge, Ms. 

Wm. B. Sprague, D. D., Albany, N. Y. 

Benj. Silliman, M. D., LL. D., New Haven. 

*Hon. Wm. !-'ullivan, LL. D., Boston. 

Sheftall Shefiall, Esq., Savannah. 

Wm I,. Stone, Esq., New York. 

Wm. Gilmer simnis, Esq , Charleston. 

Hon. Andrew Stevenson, Minister to England. 

Rev. Adiel Sherwood, Ga. 

Hon. Wni. Schley, Ga. 

Hon. James Savage, Boston. 

S. W. Singer, Esq., London, Eng. 

Hon. David L. Swain, Chapel Hill, N. C. 

Robt. Southey, J.L D., England. 

Peter S uyvesant, Esq., New York. 

Col. John Trumbull, New Haven. 

B. B. Thatcher, Esq., Boston. 

Hon. Geo. M. Troup, Ga. 

Jas. Thatcher, M. D., Plymouth, Ms. 

Hon. Martin Van Buren,'LL. D., Pres. U.S. 

John Vanulin, Esq., Philadelphia. 

Hon. Henry Wheatcn, Minister to Prussia. 

Moses Waddel, D. D., Athens. 

Noah Webster, LL. D., New Haven. 

Thos. H. Webb, M. D., Boston. 

*Hon. Jos. INL While, Florida. 

Hon. Levi Woodbury, LL. D., Washington. 

Geo. Woodruff, Esq , Trenton, N. J. 

Hon. Thos. L. Winthrop, LL. D., Boston. 

Richard H. Wilde, Esq , Ga. 

Richard Yeardon, Jr. Esq., Charleston. 


Savannah, June 26, 1839. 

Sir, — The Library Committee of the Georgia Histor- 
ical Society, beg leave respectfully to request of those 
interested in its design, to transmit to the Corresponding 
Secretary, as soon as convenient, whatever of the following 
books or documents they may be disposed to contribute to 
the archives of the Society. 

Journals of the Provincial Congress, and Colonial and 
State Legislatures ; Records of the proceedings of Conven- 
tions and Committees of Safety ; Journals of the King's 

304 Appendix. 

Council ; original and later Statutes of the Province and 
State ; Treaties with any Indian Tribes, or with any State or 

Reports of Boards of Health ; Statistics of births, deaths, 
the deaf, dumb and blind; accounts of special Epidemics; 
copies of MedicalJournals ; Catalogues of Medical Colleges; 
and members of the profession are earnestly requested to 
prepare reports on the medical topography of the various 
places where they may be located. 

Sketches of the Histories of Cities, Towns, Counties ; for 
whom named, together with Maps, Surveys, Charters, and 
whatever relates to the civil history of the State. 

Meteorological observations ; Reports of Geological and 
Mineralogical Surveys, and every thing relating to the Natu- 
ral History of the State. 

The earliest notices of Indian tribes within our bounda- 
ries, their manners and customs, their battles and skirmishes ; 
the adventures and sufferings of captives and travellers in 
their territories ; the Indian name of rivers, hills, districts, 
islands, bays, and other places, with the traditions attached 
to the same, together with their monuments and relics. 

Sketches of the lives of all eminent and remarkable per- 
sons who have lived in the State, or were connected with 
its history; original journals, letters, documents and papers, 
illustrating the same, or of our ancestors generally. 

All works relating to the History of Georgia, its Colleges, 
Academies, and Seminaries ; minutes and proceedings of 
scientific and literary associations, orations, sermons, ad- 
dresses, tracts, essays, pamphlets and poems, delivered or 
written on any public occasion, or commemorative of any 
remarkable event ; magazines, almanacs, reviews, and news- 
papers from their first introduction into the colony. 

Tables of exports and imports, price currents, reports of 
rail roads, canals, banks, and insurance offices ; proceedings 
of chambers of commerce, registers of vessels and steam 
boats, notices of the rise and progress of agriculture, and 
manufactures of every kind, and the nature and amount of 

Militia returns and regulations ; the number, location, and 
date of incorporation of volunteer corps ; the names of field, 
staff and general officers ; description of all fortifications that 
have been, or now are in existence ; notices of battles and 

Appendix. 305 

battle fields, and of the invasions, depredations, and skir- 
mishes, by and with foreign nations, from the first settlement 
of the colony. 

Proceedings of conventions, assemblies, synods, presbyte- 
ries, conferences and religio..::, asscclations of all kinds ; 
sketches -of the origin and progress of individual churches, 
names, of the officiating clergy, Vv^ich the date of their settle- 
ment, the sect to which they belong, and the time of the 
removal or death of all such as have left their charge, or 
have deceased. 

The Committee would respectfully state, that while in the 
above specifications, they have regarded merely their own 
State, yet they by no means wish to limit the donations to, 
or collections of the Society, to topics purely local in their 
interest. They solicit contributions of books, manuscripts, 
pamphlets, newspapers, and every thing which can elucidate 
the history of America generally, as well as Georgia in par- 
ticular ; and they sincerely hope that this call upon the libe- 
rality of all who love the honor of our commonwealth, and 
desire to perpetuate the faithful records of her existence, 
will be responded to, with an ardor that will insure the com- 
plete success of the Georgia Historical Society. 

James M. Wayne, 
Wm. Law, 
• John C. Nicoll, \ Committee. 

Robert M. Charlton, 
W31. B. Stevens. 

N. B. — Whenever private conveyance can be obtained, 
for the transmission of books, documents, &c., it would be 
preferred to forwarding them by mail. 








James Oglethorpe, the civil and military Governor under the 

Trustees, from July 15, 1732, to June 9, 1752, 

when the Trustees resigned their charter. 
William Stephens, President of Council, and acting Governor in 

the absence of General Oglethorpe, July 11, 1743, to 

April 8, 1751. 
Henry Parker, President of Council, and acting Governor from 

April 8, 1751, to Oct., 1, 1754. 
John Reynolds, Governor under the crown of Great Britain, 

Oct. 1, 1754, to Feb. 15, 1757. 
Henry Ellis, Governor, Feb. 16, 1757, to Oct. 31, 1760. 
James Wright, Governor, Oct. 31, 1760, to July 11, 1782. 
James Habersham, President of Council and acting Governor, in 

the absence of Sir James Wright, July 2, 1771, to 

Feb. 11, 1773. 
William Ewen, President of the Council of Safety, under the Amer- 
ican government, June 22, 1775, to Jan. 20, 1776. 
Archibald Bulloch, President of the Provincial Council, and 

Commander in Chief, Jan. 20, 1776, to Feb. 22, 

Button Gwinnett, President of Council, and Commander in 

Chief, Feb. 22, 1777, to May 8, 1777. 
John Adam Treutlen, Governor under the new Constitution, 

May 8, 1777, to Jan. 8, 1778. 
John Houstoun, Governor, Jan. 8, 1778, to Dec. 29, 1778. 
John Wereat, President of the Executive Council, Dec. 29, 1778, 

to Nov. 4, 1779. 
George Walton, Governor, Nov. 4, 1779, (o Jan. 7, 1780. 
Richard Howley, " Jan. 7, 1780, to Jan. 7, 1781. 

Stephen Heard, President of the Executive Council, Jan. 7, 1781, 
to Aug. 15, 1781. 

Governors of Georgia. 






to Jan. 





to Jan. 






to Jan. 






to Jan. 






to Jan. 






to Jan. 






to Jan. 






to Jan. 






to Nov. 






to Nov. 






to Jan. 






to Jan. 






to Mar. 



Nathan Brownson, Governor, 

John Martin, " 

Lyman Hall, 

John Houstoun, 

Samuel Elbert, 

Edward Telfair, 

George Matthews, 

George Handley, 

George Walton, 

Edward Telfair, 

George Matthews 

Jared Irwin, 

James Jackson, 

David Emanuel, President of the Senate, March 3 1801, to Nov. 

7, 1801. 
Josiah Tattnall, Governor, Nov. 7, 1801, to Nov. 4, 1802. 
John Milledge, " Nov. 4, 1802, to Sept. 23, 1806. 

Jared Irwin, President of the Senate, Sept. 23, 1806, to Nov. 7, 

Jared Irwin, Governor, Nov. 7, 1806, to Nov. 9, 1809. 

David B. Mitchell, " Nov. 9, 1809, to Nov. 1813. 

Peter Early " Nov. 1813, to Nov. 1815. 

David B. Mitchell, " Nov. 1815, to Mar. 4, 1817. 

WiLLiAiv* Rabun, President of the Senate, Governor ad interim till 

Nov. 1817. 
William Rabun, Governor, Nov. 1817, to Oct. 25, 1819. [Died.] 
Matthew Talbot, President of the Senate, Governor ad interim 

till Nov. 13, 1819. 

John Clark, 
Geo. M. Troup, 
John Forsyth, 
Geo. R. Gilmer, 
Wilson Lumpkin, 
William Schley, 
Geo. R. Gilmer, 
Charles J. McDonald, 

Governor, Nov. 1819, to Nov. 1823. 




' 1827. 


' 1829. 


' 1831. 


' 1835. 


' 1837. 


' 1839. 



The following names should be added to the list of 

Ho7iorary Members. 

John Gorham Palfrey, D. P., \,. L. D., Boston. 
F. W. P. Greenwood, D. D., Uoston. 
Hon. Richard Fletcher, Boston. 
Henry Barnard, 2d, Hartford, Conn. 
George Folsoni, Esq., New York. 
John Howland, Esq., Providence, R. 1. 
Rev. Stephen EUioit, Jr., Columbia, S. C.